1) The basic unit of the social life of the Saru Valley Ainu is the simple family with patrilocal residence. When a son gets married, he builds near his parent's house a new house of his own, where he takes his bride. When either of a married couple dies, the family is apt to break up. In case of a divorce, the sons follow the father and the daughters the mother. Formerly, therefore, not more than about five persons used to live in a single house. 2) The territorial group kotan, which is the center of their daily life, consists of a number of simple families. The male members of the kotan constitute one or more patrilineal kin groups, called ekashi ikir. While a male belongs to this localized patrilineal group of his father, a female belongs to the non-localized matrilineal group of her mother, called huchi ikir. The most interesting problem in the social systems of the Ainu is the structure and function of these two kin groups. 3) The relationship terms for "elder brother, " "younger brother, " "elder sister" and "younger sister" comprise not only (1) ego's own siblings, but also (2) ego's first parallel cousins, (3) ego's second parallel cousins, (4) spouses of ego's own siblings, (5) siblings of ego's spouse, and (6) spouses of the siblings of ego's spouses. The sibling relationships mean much to the kinship system of the Ainu. While siblings are called shine irwak (same siblings), there is a clear distinction between the kinships through the male shine irwak (brothers) and those through the female shine irwak (sisters). Brothers are called shine onaha epeka ir-utar (siblings to the same father), which relationship comprises not only ego's own brothers, but is extended to ego's male first and second parallel cousins on the paternal side. Male patrilineal descendants of a male ancestor, from the fourth generation downwards, are shine ekashi esap utar (kin descended from the same ancestor) to each other. On the other hand, sisters are called shine unuhu epeka ir-utar (siblings to the same mother). This relationship term comprises not only ego's own sisters, but also ego's female first and second parallel cousins on the maternal side. Female matrilineal descendants of a female ancestor, from the fourth generation downwards, are shine huchi esap utar (kin descended from the same female ancestor). 4) The socioogical blolod ties of the Saru Ainu are divided into (1) the patrilineal kin (ekashi ikir) of males descended from a common male ancestor and (2) the matrilineal kin (huchi ikir) of females descended from a common female ancestor. The former is symbolized by the same itokpa (ancestral crest) and the right to the same pase-onkami (principal worship of deities), both of which are transmitted from father to son. The latter is symbolized by the same form of the upshor (sash worn around the waist under the clothes, s. figs. on p.69), which is transmitted from mother to daughter. As the ekashi ikir consists of males only who have inherited the same itokpa and paseonkami, and excludes females, it is identical neither with a patrilineal clan nor patri-lineage. Similarly, the huchi ikir is not a matrilineal clan, as it consists of females only who have inherited the same form of upshor, excluding all male relatives. 5) With the Saru Ainu, patrilineal descent (ekashi santek) and matrilineal descent (huchi santek) are not combined in the same way as in the case of double descent. In other words, they are not assigned to the same individual simultaneously, but are applied to males and females respectively. The ekashi ikir does not consist of pure blood relatives only, as it may adopt a male of another lineage into one of its families. On the contrary, the hnchi ikir consists of probable blood relatives, as it very rarely adopts a female of another lineage. It consists only of the shine

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The consanguineal kin group of the Saru Valley Ainu has no distinct organizational form such as the sib or clan ; therefore, great importance is attached to the territorial group as a regulator of their social life. The territorial group is based to a great extent on its economic life. Since the 1890s, the Ainu has changed from hunting and gathering to agriculture. In consequence, the old territorial organization has disintegrated so rapidly that it was only with great difficulty that we were able to ascertain the following facts : 1) On the southern coast of Hokkaido, including the Saru Valley, Ainu groups that live along a river are called by the name of the river, and are united by a strong esprit de corps. For instance, those along the Saru River are called Saru un kur (people of Saru). The such-and-such un kur consider the area along a river, from its watershed to the sea and between the two mountain ranges on both sides, to be their own territory and call it such-and-such un kur iwor. 2) The iwor, as the arena of their daily life, is divided among and occupied by a certain number of kotan (villages). These sub-units may also be called iwor, or more precisely, the such-and-such kotan un iwor. 3) The word kotan is used in two ways : as a residential area, and as a territorial group forming an integrated social unit. The kotan in the latter sense had an hereditary chief, called kotan kor kur. He represented the kotan and presided at its ukoram kor, or assemblage of family heads. As a rule, he was not a dictator. A despotic kotan kor kur was called shikesara kur and disliked by the people. A kotan consists of anywhere from several to some scores of families ; a family averages about four members. In a kotan, there are one or more patrilineal kin groups, called ekashi ikir. The kotan kor kur was at the same time the head of a powerful ekashi ikir. A man who does not belong to any of these kin groups may become a member of the kotan, but unanimous agreement of the ukoram kor is necessary. He usually enters one of the ekashi ikir, presenting them with some valuable gift (lacquerwares, swords, etc.) ; in return, he is granted the itokpa (ancestral crest) and the right of the pase onkami (principal worship) of the group. This procedure is called itokpa kikiraye (to compensate for the itokpa). 4) Within the iwor occupied by a kotan, each family has certain exclusive rights, which are transmitted from father to eldest son. (a) In the kim un iwor, or hunting and collecting area, there are the following rights to : the iramante ushi (arrow-trap location) ; the kuteki (fence for deer hunt) ; the bear's den ; the shikina (site for collecting certain plant) ; etc. (b) In the pet iwor, or river fishing grounds, the rights to : weir sites ; the site for lodges used when spearing fish ; etc. (c) In the rep un iwor, or ocean fishing grounds, the right to the site for sakusui chise (fisherman's hut). The monopoly lasts during the season when these places or objects are used for hunting, fishing or collecting in the specified way. 5) It is prohibited to enter the iwor of any other kotan than one's own without permission, except the ru (public way). But as each kotan's iwor is not favored with equal kinds of natural resources, one is permitted by the kotan kor kur to hunt or gather in the iwor of the latter's kotan, if a definite amount of imek or iwai (compensation) is paid for the take. In the case of entry without permission, an ashimpe (penalty) is demanded. On the other hand, if a person dies a violent death in another iwor, the kotan kor kur in whose kotan's iwor the accident occurred has to compensate the family of the victim for his death. This compensation is called kewepuni. 6) Giving and receiving of a part of the iwor seems to have been practiced occasionally between different kotan for some reason or other. This practice is called iwor kikiraye. 7)

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According to the standard literature, the Ainu are indifferent to ancestor worship, as evidenced by the fact that they do not visit the graves of the dead. This judgement is mistaken. It will be shown here that they practice the worship of the souls of their ancestors with no less proper ceremony and frequency than other peoples. The ceremony in question is divided into two categories : nurappa and shi-nurappa. (1) When the Ainu brew a small quantity of sake, or they are presented with it, they hold a small-scale nurappa. (2) Periodically in spring and autumn, and most ceremoniously in winter, each family of the village brews a large quantity of sake and invites many relatives and neighbors and holds a large-scale shi-nurappa. These ceremonies may be performed by themselves or as part of other religious services such as the iomante (bear-festival). Since the dead are considered deities who live in the subterranean divine land in the same way as they did on earth, the souls of the ancestors should be worshipped along with other deities, and other deities are usually worshipped along with the souls of the ancestors. The ceremony for the souls of the ancestors is performed before a special altar, which is erected between the sacred window on the east side of the house and the nusa-san altar in front of the window (Fig.3 on p.53). One male and several females participate in the ceremony. The former is the family-chief, or a representative of his who is aged, eloquent, and well versed in ritual formulae, and should belong to the patrilineal descent of the male ancestors of the family ; the female participants have, as a rule, the same upshor forms (s. p.69) as those of the female ancestors being worshipped on that occasion, that is to say, they belong to their matrilineal descent. The male worshipper erects ceremonial shaved sticks (inau), makes libations, offers prayers to the ancestral souls, and crushes sake-lees, tobacco, cakes, and other offerings in his hand and scatters them around. The female participants also take these offerings in their hand, and crush and scatter them ; in former days, however, they seem to have offered prayers, too. After this the women have a drink by themselves, eat some of the offerings, and dance solace to the ancestral souls ; in the house the men have a feast toward nightfall. Another prevalent misconception is that Ainu women are not qualified to participate in religious ceremonies. Therefore, it is all the more significant that in fact the matrilineal female descendants worship the souls of their female ancestors during these ceremonies. One of the chief findings of our 1951 joint research on the Ainu is the fact that in their social structure matrilineal descent prevailed for females and patrilineal descent for males. The author intends to take this peculiar feature of their social structure into consideration in analyzing their religious rites and ceremonies.

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According to the standard literature, the Ainu are indifferent to ancestor worship, as evidenced by the fact that they do not visit the graves of the dead. This judgement is mistaken. It will be shown here that they practice the worship of the souls of their ancestors with no less proper ceremony and frequency than other peoples. The ceremony in question is divided into two categories : nurappa and shi-nurappa. (1) When the Ainu brew a small quantity of sake, or they are presented with it, they hold a small-scale nurappa. (2) Periodically in spring and autumn, and most ceremoniously in winter, each family of the village brews a large quantity of sake and invites many relatives and neighbors and holds a large-scale shi-nurappa. These ceremonies may be performed by themselves or as part of other religious services such as the iomante (bear-festival). Since the dead are considered deities who live in the subterranean divine land in the same way as they did on earth, the souls of the ancestors should be worshipped along with other deities, and other deities are usually worshipped along with the souls of the ancestors. The ceremony for the souls of the ancestors is performed before a special altar, which is erected between the sacred window on the east side of the house and the nusa-san altar in front of the window (Fig.3 on p.53). One male and several females participate in the ceremony. The former is the family-chief, or a representative of his who is aged, eloquent, and well versed in ritual formulae, and should belong to the patrilineal descent of the male ancestors of the family ; the female participants have, as a rule, the same upshor forms (s. p.69) as those of the female ancestors being worshipped on that occasion, that is to say, they belong to their matrilineal descent. The male worshipper erects ceremonial shaved sticks (inau), makes libations, offers prayers to the ancestral souls, and crushes sake-lees, tobacco, cakes, and other offerings in his hand and scatters them around. The female participants also take these offerings in their hand, and crush and scatter them ; in former days, however, they seem to have offered prayers, too. After this the women have a drink by themselves, eat some of the offerings, and dance solace to the ancestral souls ; in the house the men have a feast toward nightfall. Another prevalent misconception is that Ainu women are not qualified to participate in religious ceremonies. Therefore, it is all the more significant that in fact the matrilineal female descendants worship the souls of their female ancestors during these ceremonies. One of the chief findings of our 1951 joint research on the Ainu is the fact that in their social structure matrilineal descent prevailed for females and patrilineal descent for males. The author intends to take this peculiar feature of their social structure into consideration in analyzing their religious rites and ceremonies.

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Upon coming of age, Ainu women used to tatoo their mouths, cut their hair short, wear a cylindrical undershirt (called mour), and wear a sash-the upshor (s. figure on p.69) around the waist under their clothes. Women who do not wear this sash were believed to be unqualified not only to make fire and cook, but also to make their husband and children happy. The form of the upshor was transmitted from mother to daughter. Women who had the same form of upshor in common were called shine-upshor (same upshor) and helped one another on ceremonial occasions throughout their lives. Even after death they were believed to depend on each other, and therefore the wearing of the upshor, even in the grave, was considered indispensable for women. Even to-day, the Ainu male may not marry a woman who wears (or should properly wear) the same upshor as his mother. If he wants to marry her in spite of this restriction, the girl must be given a different upshor and a different fictitious lineage. The showing of one's upshor to other people is strictly tabooed, so the authoress has not yet been able to trace the varieties of upshor-types in detail. It has been ascertained, however, that in spite of the patrilineal kinship structure of the Ainu, a woman is considered to retain some affiliation with her mother's matrilineal female group and that this group still has a latent function in social life.

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The study aims at understanding the ecological base of Ainu culture through its utilization of natural resources. This paper represents merely an arrangement of data gathered from old informants during a survey trip to the Saru basin in the summer of 1951, and consists of descriptions of such points as the following : 1) Native knowledge of the characteristics, habits, and distributions of useful plants and animals 2) The division of labor, the seasonal calendar the organization of work, methods and techniques in hunting, fishing, and collecting, and the working of the raw materials. 3) Sorts, uses, and economic values of products 4) Cultural and/or environmental factors conditioning the utilization of resources 5) Ways of maintaining resources

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The author investigated the spinal curvature of the pure Ainu, the mixed Ainu-Japanese, and the local Japanese in the basin of the Saru River in Hokkaido, and for contrast, of the peasants in Nishifu-mura, Kitatama-gun, Tokyo. The data were obtained by measuring the curve of the tip of the spinous processes with the line-solder. Here are the results, obtained by factor analysis, on race and sex differences : 1. There are no striking differences within the same sex. 2. Between different sexes there is hardly any difference in the case of the pure Ainu, while in case of the local and the control group Japanese (Nishifu-mura peasants) there were great differences. 3. In subjects over fifty years of age, the differences are remarkable in both sexes. The intensity of curvature rises by degrees in the following order : in males-the local Japanese, mixed Ainu-Japanese, pure Ainu ; in females-pure Ainu, mixed Ainu-Japanese, Nishifu-mura peasants.

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The motor ability of fingers and toes of the pure Ainu, the mixed Ainu-Japanese, and the local Japanese was measured. 1. Fingers The following tests were employed : a) The ability to open the gap between fingers III and IV while III is parallel with II and IV with V. b) The ability to place fingers III, IV, and V in order on II. c) The ability to place fingers IV, III, and II in order on V. The results, tested by factor analysis, were as follows : Male-Differences due to factors of race and age are remarkable Female-Differences due to the factor of race are not great, but those due to the factor of age are evident Male and Female-In case of the pure Ainu there are hardly any significant differences between the sexes ; however, differences based upon age are not inconsiderable. The difference between the right and left hands is very slight (α>0.05), but the left hand tends to show a slightly higher performance than the right. 2. Toes The ability to place toe I on toe II and to separate the toes differs significantly (α<0.01) between the pure Ainu and the mixed as well as between the pure Ainu and the Japanese.

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In summer of 1951, somatometric investigations were made on the Ainu of the Saru valley in the province of Hidaka, Hokkaido. The subjects were divided into three groups : the pure Ainu, the mixed Ainu-Japanese, and the Japanese in order to facilitate comparison. The Japanese in question were married to Ainu and most of them came from the northeast district of Japan. The most distinctive traits were cephalic. The pure male Ainu had the greatest head length with a mean value of 198.38 mm and a cephalic index of 75.21, while the mixed male Ainu had a head length of 197.08 mm and a cephalic index of 76.24. This finding coincides with results obtained by Y. KOGANEI, E. NAKAYAMA, and Y. KOYA. The mean values for the Japanese subjects, who seemed more mesocephalic than the Japanese in general, were : head length 190.25 mm ; cephalic index 79.64. This shows that their head is shorter in length and far greater in cephalic index than that of the Ainu. The cephalic differences among the three groups were observed in women as well as in men. Lastly, it is worthy of notice that generally speaking there was a considerable agreement between the actual physical traits and expectations from genealogical descent.

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Regarding the A-B-O blood groups of the Ainu, the results of the examinations have been reported by NINOMIYA, E. F. GROVE, etc. In August, 1951, the present author investigated the A-B-O blood groups and M-N blood types of 337 Saru Ainu, and examined the S blood types (secretor and nonsecretor) of saliva. The frequency distributions of these blood groups are as follows ; A-B-O blood groups : O-20.8±2.21, A-33.1±2.56 B-31.1±2.52, AB-13.9±1.88 M-N blood types : M-13.9±1.88, N-37.4±2.63 MN-48.7±2.72, S blood types : S-71.5±2.46, S-28.5±2.46 It is characteristic of the Ainu that they have a high frequency of type N, as is stated in the memoir of KUBO and his co-workers. It is an anthropologically interesting fact that the Australian aborigines, Papuans, and Ainu, all of whom are isolated from other races, have been known for their extremely high frequency of type N.

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The test of the abilities of rolling of tongue edges and vertical rounding of one tongue edge shows a significant difference between the Ainu anb the Chinese in the former ability, between the Ainu and the local Japanese, between the Ainu and the mixed Ainu-Japanese in the latter ability. The percentage of inability of the Ainu to roll the tongue is much lower than that of the American, the Chinese, and the Japanese so far as the data hitherto recorded concern. The study of the mode of heredity of tongue rounding is in progress.

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Using P. T. C. the writer examined the taste blindness of the pure Ainu, the mixed Ainu-Japanese and the local Japanese. The following results were obtained : 1. The percentage of taste-blindness is very low in the pure Ainu (3.91%). 2. The difference of frequency is significant both between the pure Ainu and the Japanese and between the pure Ainu and the mixed.

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Kuwa or grave-posts of the Ainu are considered by the Ainu themselves to be sticks for the dead. Their possible origin from the hoe (kuwa in Japanese) was also once suggested. But there is nothing in their forms, varying from village to village, which can support such a view. Nor can there be any influence of Christianity in their. T or Y forms and X signs upon them. The author, analyzing not only their forms, but also the way in which strings are bound around them, came to the conclusion that the Ainu gravepost represents a part of the arrow-trap amakpo erected originally to avert evil spirits. In the folkbelief of the East, a magical power to subdue evil spirits is attributed to tightly-bound strings. A further proof is offered by the Ainu word ku wa (bow). In the northeastern district of Honshu, Japan, we find also the custom of erecting a bow on the grave. The author assumes that the custom probably originated in Korea or China.

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In Japan there exists the custom of masked or disguised men visiting homes on the night of the first full moon of the year, sometimes making threatening noises, and begging or demanding money or rice-cakes. In the Ryukyus, the visitors are welcomed with far more religious awe than in Japan proper, and their divinations for the coming year are still believed. The possibility of some kind of connection between such customs and primitive secret societies has been discussed in the ethnological literature. The present writer tries to classify all the hitherto known materials by their characteristic features, and suggests some problems which would be basic to future studies. (The distribution map on p.128, and the classification of types on p.134)

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