While researching the aquatic cultures along the coast of the Ariake Sea, the author's attention was drawn to two cultural traits in the realm of overt fishermen's culture. One is the mud sled, widely distributed along the muddy tidal zones throughout the world. The other is the stone tidal weir, built along reef coasts with conspicuous tidal ranges. The former is a leading cultural trait which represents the muddy tidal flat culture, and the latter, the reef culture. The latter in particular is quite archaic and presumably originated in the pre-sapiens phase of human history as pointed out by J. Desmond CLARK, although this is denied by R. A. DART. This paper deals with the stone tidal weirs and their relics found along the coast of Miyako Island and the adjacent Irabu Island. In 1957 the author set out to investigate a vast range of gigantic construction on the reef flat along the coast of Karimata in Miyako Island. The range comprised a fixed fishing gear known as a stone tidal weir. Stone tidal weirs at Karimata are mamma-shaped, while others, which are widely scattered in the area, including Iriomote, Kohama, Irabu. Ishigaki etc., vary in shape. Subsequent to several field researches on stone tidal weirs (called kaki or katsi etc. by the natives) in this region, the author sent several of his assistants there in 1972 with the aim of conducting an intensive investigation of the stone tidal weirs still in existence on those islands. This report brings out the results of our joint research, particularly on Miyako and Irabu Islands. A report will be presented later concerning the stone tidal weirs on Kohama Island. Stone tidal weirs, archaic primitive fixed fishing gear, have been under considerable oceanoographical influence due to their particular characteristics in location and function. The author describes in brief the oceanographic factors which have close relationships to stone tidal weirs. Along the northeatern coast of Miyako Island there were originally sixteen stone tidal weirs (photographically illustrated : fig. 5) but most of them were destroyed by the big typhoon named Sarah in 1959 and the subsequent Chilian tsunami (tidal waves caused by an earthquake) in 1960. As mentioned above, stone tidal weirs at Karimata, like those in other areas, are of ancient origin. A considerable number of poems referring to stone tidal weirs seem to be involved in "omorososhi", the oldest anthology of Okinawa. Genhichi SHIMABUKURO has pointed out several poems related to it, however, referring to the works of S. HOKAMA and K. TORIKOSHI, there is ample room for doubt. The author believes that an ancient poem handed down from one generation to another at Karimata, which is entitled "Upuja mabikirja nu fusa" is related to the stone tidal weir. This poem is found in the book "Alethology of Miyako Island" written by S. HOKAMA and K. SHINZATO. Stone tidal weirs of Okinawa can be classified into four types as far as the catching part is concerned, as indicated in figure 13. Type A is akin to a stone weir with its fishing method differentiated in principle from a stone tidal weir. This is the type which formerly existed in Henza Island. Type B is found at Karimata, and it consists of three parts : a) a 10w stone wall (kaki-nu-ti :) as long as 780m with mutu-gaki, b) a catching part (Bu-fuga) , and c) a flat stone-block seat (bi : si) set on both sides of the catching chamber. During ebbtide, water dashes into the catching chamber at the speed of 3/5 m/s on the water surface.

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After critically reviewing the four alleged solutions to Galton's Problem, NAROLL'S Interval Sift Method. Linked Pair Method and Cluster Test, and LOFTIN-SIMONTON'S Autocorrelation Method. the author discusses Galton's Problem in an analogy to two biological models: "natural selection" and "genetic drift." He defines "Galton's Problem' as the problem of distinguishing correlations due to the functional linkage between the variables from those produced by sheer historical accidents alone. In biological evolution, more efficiently adapted traits have a chance to be reproduced more widely than those less efficient. This is the process known as "natural selection." For example, the correlation known as "Bergmann's Rule" which states that homothermal animals living in cold areas tend to have greater body bulk than their close relatives in warmer areas, represents such an adaptive process. When the shape is constant, the larger the bulk is, the less is the surface area per unit volume. Consequently, larger bodies can better preserve body heat than smaller ones. Therefore, in cold areas larger bodied animals have a chance to reproduce more offspring than smaller ones, and in hot areas vice versa. In this case, function (causation between environmental temperature and body-bulk) is the cause ; the correlation is the result ; and reproduction is the implement by which means the result is realized by the cause, a media playing a role like the amplifier of a radio. Occasionally it happens that biological traits which have no functional relationship to each other are also widely reproduced together to result in a correlation. This is known as "genetic drift." In a small inbreeding population, gene frequencies fluctuate widely due to sheer chance alone. Once the frequency of a trait is set by chance at a certain point, it will remain as such, under Hardy-Weinberg's Law, even after the population has grown to an enormous one consisting of millions of individuals. The strong (negative) correlation that the gene of Blood-Type B is near-absent among both North and South American Indian populations has been regarded as a product of such genetic drift. It occurs only with functionally-neutral traits. In either natural selection or genetic drift reproduction works as an amplifying media between the cause (function or drift) and the effect (correlation) . It is absurd to sift out the individuals for the reason that they are descended from a common ancestor so as to be "the duplicated copies of the same original." The extent of reproduction in those correlations has nothing to do with whether they are due to function or genetic drift. With correlations between culture traits, the same is true, too. Functionally related traits can better diffuse together than traits which are not functionally related to result in a correlation, as NAROLL (1961: 34-35) pointed out. Unlike he thought, however, not-functionally-related traits also sometimes diffuse together well to form a correlation, because of the following reason : traits which stand in an eufunctional relation to one another must have a tendency to diffuse together, pulling each other like the north and south poles of magnets. Traits which are dysfunctional to each other cannot diffuse together because they resist one another like the same poles of magnets. Traits which stand functionally neutral, neither pull nor resist one another, with the result that they may diffuse together as a historical accident.

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Since World War II many scholars in the sciences have been interested in the study of conflict. Students of the anthropology of law have also recognized that the study of effective means for understanding law, and many good results have been obtaind through the case-method study of conflict. Although, at present, no concensus has been reached on the theoretical problem of the analytical approach to the study of conflict, Max GLUCKMAN (1973) insisted that one must know not only the narrow situation in which conflict occurs but also its social process, and proposed the extended-case method. Though this method constitutes an improvement over the past, I think that GLUCKMAN does not go far enough. Therefore, I should like to demonstrate the importance of a viewpoint in which a more extensive approach to the anthropological study of conflict is taken. This would be an analytical model of social process constituted by the triad of conflict-status-exchange. My purpose in this paper is to show the effectiveness of the model in an analysis of the tribal societies in the New Guinea Highlands. In the first part of this papar I will introduce P. H. GULLIVER'S theory about the mediator in the process of negotiation, and through it show that the viewpoints of conflict in the recent anthropology of law focus on the process of conflict management and the parties concerned with conflict such as the mediators. But these viewpoints focus only on a narrow situation of conflict itself. Analysis of the above-mentioned theoretical problem should be accompanied by analysis of the actors in an exchange situation. When we analyze the social process from order to conflict as a process of interaction from a "normal" situation to one of conflict, the analysis of the exchange process is an effective tool and accordingly the actors in the exchange should occupy an important position in the analysis. That is to say, though the mediator as the third party in the process of conflict managemenent may promote resolution, on the contrary, the exchange actor as competitor in the exchange process may inevitably bring on conflict or confrontation. As this exchange actor is often the same person as the mediator in many societies, the value of a more extensive approach can be demonstrated which focuses on the so-called intervener in a process of conflict and exchange entailed in the total social process. In the following analysis of conflict in New Guinea, I should like to use the following hypothetical and analytical model. This would include analysis of the social process of conflict and exchange surrounding the traditional leader called the big man, and also include the kinship and production systems which are fundamental aspects of this process. In the latter part of this paper, several aspects of the social processes involved in conflict in New Guinea is made clear by a comparison of the Enga and Hagen societies of the Western Highlands District in Papua New Guinea. In these societies, there were many conflicts among neighboring groups because of the tense relationships between them. Though the big man was not always the leader in battle, he had to intervene as a warrior in order to hold his prestige and status. But, in these areas, the highest prestige awarded a big man was given to the person who could make peace. The success of the exchange ritual was important to the prestige of the big man since this ritual was the arena for exchanging compensation and for coming to a peaceful settlement. We can say that his status was based on his ability to supply pigs, which were the main items of compensation.

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