In a paper published a quarter century ago, FORTES argued that if a group were to be called a descent group, its membership should be determined solely by the principle of descent, and if some other factors are used for membership delineation, such a group is not a descent group. FIRTH countered this by saying that, although descent is important, residence is also very important operationally. Though they had different types of descent groups in mind, it still remains that the relationship between descent group and locality presents an important field for study. More recently, especially after FREEDMAN'S model was proposed, researches into Chinese kinship organizations have concentrated on localized lineages with corporate estates. It has been pointed out that segmentation of Chinese lineages occurs progressively in their wealthier segments. Korean lineages have many morphological similarities with their Chinese counterparts in that they are based on common property (particularly land) and that they take the form of smaller segments nesting in larger segments. Yet it is well known that Korean lineages are not confined to small localities and that, particularly in the case of higher order lineages, they have nation-wide organizations. Therefore. FREEDMAN'S model for Chinese lineages cannot be applied directly to Korean lineages. The divergencies between the lineage systems of the two societies may provide us with some clues to the understanding of the meanings of lineage membership in Korea. From the data collected in a non-lineage village in South Cholla province, the following has been found. The lowest order of lineage segments (munjung) have an average depth of eight to ten generations. Although each of the segments is anchored in a certain village, none of the lowest order segments have all the members living in one locality. It is only in rare cases that the common property of a new segment is given in the form of ancestral bequest, and the common property of a new segment is typically created first by contributions of small amounts from the members and then increased by its management over long periods. Therefore the formation of a new segment involves an active decision on the part of the descendants to establish a group identity of their own to the exclusion of others. The move towards organization of a new segment is initiated some six to seven generations after the founding ancestor of the prospective segment. Not infrequently it is those who migrate away from the centre villages of higher order segments who take the initiative The formation of a new segment reflects the relationship between two structurally different organizations …munjung (lineage) and chib-an (association of households based on a kindred-like principle). Chib-an refers to a range of households whose male members are close agnates. Amity and mutual cooperation are the foundation of chib-an relations. A rule of thumb is that they share a common great-great-grandfather, but it is a flexible organization and can be modified by various factors pertaining to the real life situations. What characterizes the chib-an organization is that it is always in a state of flux which is being maintained by the solidarity of closest relatives. To form a new lineage segment with reference to an ancestor two or three generations back would imply that a part of a chib-an asserts its own identity to the exclusion of the other chib-an members, which runs squarely against chib-an solidarity.

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This report is mainly concerned with the method of eliciting covert categories in folk taxonomical studies. Covert categories, according to the definition of BERLIN and his colleagus, are folk categories which have no monolexemical label in a given folk taxonomical system. In questioning the utility of restricting folk taxonomical description to labelled categories, BERLIN and his collaborators proposed a method of eliciting covert categories with the aid of triad-test, folk keys and paired comparisons. But it is not so persuasive to establish the conceptual outlines of such covert categories as shown by the critical comment of BROWN. This methodological weakness is fatal when we would like to use the method of folk taxonomy to extract the cosmological system or the world view of a given society. Because relationships among the ethno-biological taxa used as keys in the symbolic world of folk societies have never been investigated in folk taxonomical studies. These ethno-biological taxa are inclusive and located on the higher level of the folk taxonomical system admitting that they are not covert. The purpose of this paper is to propose a new method of eliciting covert folk categories and clarifying the interrelations among folk categories with the intention of offsetting the theoretical shortcomings resulted from the most fundamental assumption of folk taxonomical studies that has restricted ethnographic description to labelled categories. The domains of natural objects to which a certain type of expression or set of words are employed can be recognized as the outlines of covert categories. Adopting this basic hypothesis, many covert categories and subgroupings of folk categories can be revealed everywhere in the domain of folk bio-taxonomy. In Batan Island, various expressions are used to describe the stages of growth of the domestic and wild animals. Native expression in Ivatan language to describe the stages of growth for human beings is the most complex one (Fig. 2). For pigs (Fig. 5), larger domestic mammals (Fig. 3) and small mammals (Fig. 4), different systems of nomenclature are prepared. On the terminologically-identifiable level, we cannot find these categorizations. In the same way, to describe the stages of growth of the birds we can recognize three modes of expression (Fig. 6). The domain of application of a certain mode of expression indicates the outline of a folk category. When this category is not identifiable on the level of a system of monolexemically labelled folk categories related by hierarchic inclusion, it would be a covert category. This method is effective not only to elicite covert categories but to establish the significant subgroupings of overt categories included in a same covert category. In this report, besides the systems of nomenclature for the stages of growth, Ivatan ,expressions about the basic anatomical structure and the body constitution are duly considered. Refering to the results, these subgroupings of folk categories which are induced by the above-mentioned method are not the same. Concerning the basic anatomical structure, the human body is described to be composed of four-strata such as bu : boh (hair)/kedit (skin)/asi (flesh)/tuhang (bone) (Fig. 8). The same expression is also applicable to mammals and birds, but the teleosts have its proper usage. Sharks, reptiles and amphibians have a common mode of expression. We can distinguish other two modes of nomenclature for the lower animals.

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This paper is an attempt to present a structural analysis of the religious system of the Sinhalese of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). Anthropological study of the religion and society in South Asia has made great progress since SRINIVAS'S classic "Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India" first published (1952). SRINIVAS pointed out two major problems in his monograph. On the one hand, he introduces the concept of 'spread' in Hinduism (All-India, Peninsular, Regional and Local). He emphasized the relation between all-Indian and Local Hinduism, or the sanskritic and the non-sanskritic Hinduism. The idea of this separation has been developed by some investigators, e. g. REDIFIELD(Great Tradition/Little Tradition), MARRIOTT (Universalization/Parochialization), and MANDELBAUM (Transcendental/Pragmatic) , in the studies of peasent society. On the other hand, SRINIVAS demonstrates how the religious notions of good-sacred (pure) and bad-sacred (impure) determine Hindu caste hierarchy and caste behaviours. The 'pure-impure concept' (or 'pollution concept') correlating religion with social structure has been assumed to be the basis of the Indian caste system. Especially, HARPER demonstrates how there is a broad reflex of three-class-caste system (high-middle-low) in three grades (gods, deities, spirits) and of ritual status (pure, pure/impure, impure) . HARPER'S idea is a knot of SRINIVAS'S two problems. First, I examine the utility of the hypotheses of SRINIVAS and HARPER critically, and then outline the total religious system of the Sinhalese through the structural analysis of rituals. The doctorine of Theravada Buddhism and primitive religion has been fused in Sri Lanka since 3c B. C., but people's religious behaviour now is that of a single religious tradition that is Sinhalese Buddhism, which is closely linked with the great tradition (Theravada Buddhism) . Sihhalese Buddhism includes various levels of Supernatural beings. This 'Pantheon' is neither Theravada Buddhist nor a magical animist one, but a 'Sinhalese Buddhist Pantheon'. The 'Pantheon' is hierarchically structured as follows. (1) The Buddha : the repository of power and divine authority, (2) Gods (deviyas) : Guardian deities and local gods who have power and divine authority over a certain area, and subordinate to the Buddha as a super deity, (8) Demons (yakas) : demons, dead relatives, goblins, and ghosts who are completely malevolent, punitive, and causing fear in men's hearts. Besides these Supernatural beings, there are some mediators who mediate between men and the supernatural beings. (1) The Buddhist monks (bbikkhu) : Mediators between men and the Buddha who is an other worldly being, (2) The astrologers (sastra kariyas) : Mediators between this world and the other world. Buddhism is connected with other-worldly oriented things (lokottara), while Magical-animism (god worship and demon worship) is connected with things of this world (laukika). Both systems are not contradictory but complementary. So, Buddhist monks may visit an exorcist to obtain cures in the case of irrational illness. This self-contradiction can be solved by the clear distinction between lokottara and laukika. The binary opposition between Buddhism and Magical-animism may be seen in the opposition between Buddhism and god worship as well. The Buddhist temple (vihara) and the shrines for the gods (devale) are often housed under one roof or at the same site. There are regular rituals in the vihara (Buddha pujava) and the devale (devapujava).

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