The present paper is concerned with the Jevanese mode of determining self in relation to others and vice versa through the analysis of their address terms. The materials presented here were obtained during the field work extending six months (August 1972, July-October 1973 and March 1974) among the inhabitants of different communities in Central Java : six villages, two towns and a city of the Special District of Yogyakarta (Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta), Indonesia. In these communities vocative terms of kinship can be applied not only to kinsmen but also, more extensively, to non-kinsmen. It seems to me that an analysis of their address terms (including kinship terms) gives us a clue to understanding interpersonal relationships of the Javanese people. The Javanese vocative terms may be classified into two categories ; one for senior kinsmen and the other for the junior. The terms of the first category may further be classified into two types ; one with the function of keeping the addressee away from the addresser and the other with the function of keeping him (or her) closer. The terms of the second category can be divided into two types in the same manner. The writer designates these four types of kinship terms respectively. as Vv. Vt, Tv and Tt, after the fashion of the late Latin vos and tu. Vos has the linguistic function of raising the addressee to a superior position and simultaneously keeping him (or her) away from the addresser. On the contrary, tu has the function of lowering the addressee to an inferior position and keeping him (or her) closer. The Vv type of kinship terms is applied to the superior addressee to be kept away from the addresser ; the Vt type to the superior to be drawn closer to the addresser ; the Tv type is applied to the inferior to be kept away from the addresser and the Tt type to the inferior to be drawn closer. When focused on the addresser, it comes to be known that each type of vocative terms has an implicit funcion of determining the addresser himself (or herself) as well as the addressee. The Vv type lowers the addresser to an inferior position and keeps him (or her) away from the addressee ; the Vt type lowers the addresser also to an inferior position but draws him (or her) closer to the addressee. The Tv type raises the addresser to a superior position and keeps him (or her) away from the addressee and the Tt type, finally, raises the addresser to a superior position and puts him (or her) in an intimate relation to the addressee. Logically, each of these four types can be exchanged between the two kinsmen concerned in ten kinds of different ways. The combinations are : (1) Vv-Tv, (2) Vt-Tt, (3) Vv-Tt, (4) Vt-Tv, (5) Vv-Vv, (6) Vv-Vt, (7) Vt-Vt, (8) Tv-Tv, (9) Tv-Tt and (10) Tt-Tt. (1) Vv-Tv : This exchange between the Vv type (e. g., kangmas for elder brother) and the Tv type (e. g., dikmas for younger brother : counterpart of kangmas), in which each part,ner satisfies the expectation of the counterpart, is found basically among the noblemen. (2) Vt-Tt : This exchange between the Vt type (e. g., hang for elder brother) and the Tt type (e. g., dik for younger brother), in which also each partner meets the demand of the counterpart, is found among commoners. (3) Vv-Tt : If a nobleman and a commoner are related to each other through a kinship tie, this exchange or the next one (Vt-Tv) will be found. If the nobleman is older than the commoner, the Vv-Tt exchange pattern is employed between them. For instance, a grandfather, who belongs to the noble class, is addressed as eyang (Vv) by the grandson who is a commoner.

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In previous studies on the origin of the Feng, it has often been compared to the real peacock, or the bird of paradise, or else considered as an imaginary product ; in contrast. however, its religious meanings have never been actually dealt with. The author presumes that the Feng could exist only in one's imagination and believes that it is a created bird to reveal distinctly and strongly its religious worth. In other words, it is a created animal to symbolize a bird's sacredness, that is, the symbol of the bird. The Feng has feathers of five colors, is a very huge creature and has a crown-shaped tuft of feathers on its head ; it lives in the center of the world, and so on. These are the various shapes and characteristics of the Feng as described in the oracle-bone inscriptions and ancient documentary records. These ancient writings seem to indicate the sacredness of the Feng when the author refers to the other holy creatures who are similar in shapes and characteristics. The attributes of the Feng are that it has a character like the god of wind, fire, and sun ; while the other birds mentioned above are very similar in character. This seems to manifest the fact that the sacred characters of the birds have been symbolized in the Feng. Thus, the Feng as fabricated by the ancient Chinese people happens to be so similar in appearance to the real birds, such as the peacock or the bird of paradise, that it has been presumed that these kinds of birds gradually began to be known as the Feng subsequently. Furthermore, through the ancient documentary records the actual states in which the bird has been considered to be the sacred creature with the varions aspects of its religious meanings, are classified and arranged in the following seven items as follows : (1) The bird is offered up to a deity as a sarifice ; (2) it has the power to exorcise evil spirits ; (3) it is used in divination ; (4) it acts as messenger of the gods ; (5) a human soul can be transformed into the form of the bird ; (6) the god can also be transformed into the form of the bird ; (7) its feathers have a power to cast a spell.

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The Lesser Antilles are considered as a typical Creole Society-asociety of mulattos due to the plantation system of slavery attended by the extermination of Carib Indians which was ,caused by the Great European Powers. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics of the Creole Society in Martinique in terms of their racial and ethnic diversity. The research was based on the field work which was carried out in Martinique during the summer of 1975. Martinique has been a member of the French Overseas Department since 1946. The population is 430,000. Besides sugar and banana plantations many residents engage in tourism for their livelihood. Martinique became a French colony in 1646. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, this colony had become a wealthy sugar island. The plantation system by slavery was established step by step. At first an attempt to solve the labor problem was made by using indentured workers called Engage. From the end of the eighteenth century there were many miscegenations which led to the birth of mulattos called Mulatre. On the eve of the French Revolution, the society of Martinique had crystalized into a caste-like structure ; these were Grand Blanc (European, mainly French slave-owning planters) , Petit Blanc (European, -mainly French small farmers, craftsmen, plantation workers' descendants Engage, Mulatre (free and slaves) and Negre (slaves) . After the emancipation of 1848 about 25,000 East Indians and a smaller number of South-East Asians, some East Asians were brought into Martinique as plantation workers. Each of the groups formed an endogamous unit at least as far as legal marriage was concerned and social mobility from one group to another was difficult. Today, the ratios of the ethnic groups of the inhabitants are ; the mulattos-Mulatre (90%), the Europeans born on the island-Beke ( 2% ) , the other Europeans-Metro ( 2 %), the East Indians ( 5 % ) , the South East and East Asians and Arabs (all together 1 %). The research investigated the appellations of the ethnic groups in relation to their own and to others as well as to the factors that determined the appellation. It was found that the following factors were important determinants for referring to the different ethnic groups ; territorial status, socio-economical status, racial difference and physical appearance and geographical location. Moreover the researcher studied how these factors were related to each other within this society. The Mulatre are differenciated into three kinds of Beke in terms of their socio-economic status and each of them has a specific name. Mulatre has seven different subgroups among themselves and the Beke, the Metro in terms of racial, physical appearance and socio-economical status. In the closed society of small farmers who live in the hills and high mountains and fishermen and where the Mulatres do not have any association with the Beke and the Metro, there is no differenciation in appellation among themselves, however. The Metros are given appellations meaning "stranger" or "invader" by the Beke and the Mulatres. But the Beke and the Mulatres use different appellations for that respectably. East Indians, Asians and Arabs are not regarded as Mulatre by other groups, but they refer to themselves as Mulatre. Each ethnic group makes reference to themselves in different ways depending on whomever they are addressing. There are appellations which are used among the Beke, the Metro and the Mulatre, however the same appellation always means something different to different groups. The common usage between the Beke and the Mulatre is always the Metro. Similarly the common usage between the Beke and the Metro are found toward Mulatre.

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