This paper is based on materials which were collected by myself during my anthropological research from 1964 to 1966 at Ujiji; a small town, the population of which counted 12,011 in 1957's census. The paper deals with social relations among neighborhood groups of Ujiji, in order to analyze social structure of this town. I regard African towns as a poralization of development of African tribal societies which, constitute intertribal relations in an extended regional society. The growth of a town may be regarded as a transposition of the varied tribal relations that have already developed in a regional society composed of a number of indepedent tribal societies. From my aims and standpoint, I selected Ujiji town as a type of pure African native town which had come into existence before the era of European colonial rule. Presently we can observe clearly the existence ,of six stratified groups in Ujiji. 1) Swahili people: Islamic, transtribal Africans. 2) Ha-tribesmen: Manual workers from a region north of Ujiji. 3) Wageni (guests): Mostly government employees sent by Tanzania government from other regions of Tanzania. 4) Arabian merchants. 5) Indian merchants. 6) European missionaries. Swahili people function as the core group at Ujiji. They number nearly 80% of the entire-population of Ujiji. They engross basic occupations which maintain daily life of this town; for instance, peasants, fishermen, craftsmen, shopkeeper, Islamic teacher called mwalimu and so on. They occupy the most part of the resi dental region of town. Other inhabitants occupy only the peripheral part of town territory. Therefore the analysis of social structure of Swahili group means nothing but that of Ujiji society. According to the areal extension of neighborhood relations of Swahili people, we may find the following five kinds of neighborhood groups. (1) ua moja group; the primary neighborhood group. The residence of Swahili inhabitants consists of a set of a house and its backyard (ua) enclosed by a tall hence. The smallest group of neighborhood is a group of 3〜6 families which co-use their ua opening hences to each other. Members of this group have very intimate relations through daily co-operations and interdependence. They think the seco-operations are very good customs of Islam.

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This report forms a part of the work based on the social anthropological field work organized by Kyoto University Africa Scientific Expedition. As one of the members I stayed in Mbulu Area located in the highland above the escarpment along the Rift Valley of Tanzania, from October 1964 to October 1966. During this time, the Hanang investigation base was originally built on the foot of Mt. Hanang for the study of the Iraqw. The Iraqw, who speak a language which has been classified by G.H. Greenberg as Cushitic, have the unique subsistence economy characterized as an agrico-pastoral one, that is to say they raise maize, millets and sorghum; but they also keep herds of cattle, sheep, goats and a few donkeys as well. Of course, in East Africa, Bantu agriculturalists also combine their economic activities with some livestock according to their economical situation. Yet in their traditional economic life cattle-raising is not important. It is to be expected that as the mixed pastoral-agricultural economy of the Iraqw is traditional, their dairy life might be fundamentally affected by both cultural elements. From this point of view, I will try to account for their marriage ceremonies and customes. The Iraqw are primarily patrilineal (Tlahay), although they also have a matrilineal group (Daawi) . Marriage is generally forbidden within the lineage, but the regulation of marriage called Hastik Ameni depends upon the degree of relationships. Although polygyny is practiced, this form of marriage is not. prevalent than monogamous type family. I deal with here the ordinary form of Iraqw love-marriage called Hara watlingw. Doogito, Place for dating : two boys arrange with two girls for meeting at Doogito at night and love grows up between them. Warae, six cooprators for making a good progress at a ceremony: at a given time end place, the bridegroom with Warae goes to meet the bride together with her party of girls and help her run away from her parents home. Kwantlatlir aray, the white necklace: The bridegroom prepares four Kwantlatlir to present the bride and each necklace has a different meanings in the ceremony. Laghwali, marriage gifts: The bride is followed by the party of the bridegroom who give some cattle to her. A cow is never given to the bride without hesitating on the way to bride's home. But in fact, these marriage gifts are only a formality and nothing more. Nanai, sheep for the ceremony: the bride arrives at the bridegroom's home in the middle of the night, one of his younger brothers drives in a sheep in the presence of the bride standing at the entrance.

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Out of 26 folktales collected by the author in 1966 from the Iraqw of Northern Tanzania, four have a hyena and her MoBr, Rabbit as heroine and hero in each story. This makes clear contrast to the similar stories of the matrilineal Kaguru people in central Tanzania found and analysed by Beidelman (Beidelman 1961 and 1963). Outlines of the four stories are given and some analysis are made in this article with some comparison to the Kaguru cases. While the Kaguru cases emphasis norms of MoBr (Hyena) and his SiSon (Rabbit) in a matrilineal context and re present a solidarity within a matrilineage, the Iraqw cases put more emphasis to soliderity of more than one patrilineage by a smart rabbit and his sister's daughter, a greedy hyena, who, belongs different patrilineage from her uncle. Despite the similar outlook of stories, they lead to form a different sociological model in a patri lineal setting from that of a matrilineal setting as the Kaguru.

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This article is based upon a field research in which the author engaged in Uganda, East Africa, for six months from October 1967 to March 1968. Full acknowledgment is expressed to everyone who generously assisted and cooperated with the author. The research was proposed for the project to elucidate the influences of the traditional values upon the progressing reformations of the indigenous life. The author was working on the project under the associateship of the Makerere Institute of Social Research at Kampala. The author had lived in a village, Buhara, located a few miles from the Uganda-Rwanda border, an extreme southwestern part of the country. He stayed there for five months observing every aspect of the Chiga rural life and, in particular, concentrating his efforts to collect the dispute cases which were raised and treated in the village court at Buhara. The author is planning to issue a series of articles studying these materials. The outline of his idea according to which all the collected materials be sorted out and examined is stated below. The present contexts of the Chiga rural life are distinctively characterized by the three factors such as 1) the survivals of the traditional ways of thinking and behaving: 2) the proceeding reformations in these aspects of life: and 3) the conflicts caused by the opposition of traditions and innovations. The extent how much the traditions are retained and how far the innovations have penetrated into varies in accordance with the situation allotted to the individual member of the community: age, sex, roles in family and kin grouping, status in village community. Even an individual oneself tends to be conservative in certain context or aspect of life and, on the contrary, to be a reformist in others. Conflicts come into existance in company with these oppositions. They are, thus, omnipresent in almost every aspect of daily life in everyone's mind as well. The local residents are at a loss which and how to choose in order to dispose of a particular problem in a specific context of their personal and community life. This results in serious disturbances and misadaptations to their changing circumstances. Two ways of disclosing these conflicts might be suggested: general observations of the outward contexts and the people's reactions in village life; and the careful analyses of the inward conflicts among these people. The first approach enables us to understand comprehensively the whole situations and structures of the community which be fundamentals to study the dispute cases in their social contexts. The second approach, then, gives us the deeper insights into the nature and the intensity of the conflicts both of which lead us to the full apprehension of a changing value system.

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The ideology of descent has a career of its own, largely independent of internal contradictions in recruitment and "a descent doctrine does not express group composition but imposes itself upon the composition." This is the point succinctly stated by Sahlins (1963, 1965), which also underlies the Barnes' following observation. "A genealogy in the pre-literate society is in general a charter, in Malinowski's sense, for a given configuration of contemporary social relations. Where there is a dogma of descent, and in particular a dogma of agnatic solidarity, the genealogy must reflect the contemporary situation or some desired modification of it, in terms of the dogma." (Barnes 1962). Our analysis of pastoral societies aims at providing a certain quantification of the above thesis. The study of pastoral societies seems to allow a more or less radical formulation along this line of argument because of the elastic nature of group composition and the vigorous tendency to rationalize it in terms of the agnatic doctrine. The substantial body of materials have been drawn from the Somali (Lewis 1961), the Samburu (Spencer 1965), and the Baggara Arabs (Cunnison 1966), all of which are defined by the authors as societies with the agnatic lineage system. A herding camp generally is the basic. unit comprising a spatially compact lineage segment. The demographic surveys, however, revealed that there is a fairly high incidence of camps containing affinally and non-agnatically related persons and coming-in strangers without any kinship relations whatsoever (20-3096 among the Somali and the Samburu as against agnatic members). Since marriage is prohibited within the 'primary lineage' in the Somali and within the 'clan' in the Samburu (as a corollary within camps as well) , affinal and congatic impurities in camps are those who or whose ascendants came to be attached to their wives' groups by uxorilocal mode of residence. In the course of time, however, these accessory members become incorporated into their host groups and accorded fullfledged membership to agnatic descent groups. There exist certain required formalities that mark the point of incorporation: the Somali are required to cooperate with wives' agnates in camel herdings and blood-money payments: the Samburu must observe the exogamous restrictions of the clan in regard to the host groups. The Humr, a 'tribe' among the Baggara Arabs, give preference to FBD marriage, thus marriages are very frequently practiced within the surra that is the smallest agnatic lineage segment and the basis of a single camp.

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