This paper is based on materials which were collected by the writer during his anthropological research which was carried out for more than 12 months from 1972 to 1974 in Kyoto. especially at Kita-ku, Kinugasa district, which is a residential district in an urban society ; this area was situated at the urban fringe and includes an urbanized area and an agricultural field_ With regard to the traits that "Hidari Daimonji" has, the writer should point out that "Hidari Daimonji" is one of the "Daimonjl Gozan Okuribi", Fire Events practiced as the Bon Ritual on the 5 mountains in Kyoto on August 16. The "Hidari Daimonji" is not only the Buddhist Bon Ritual based on ancestor worship, but is also can be regarded as "Sairei", the Festival or Big Show for sight-seeing in which, as Yanagida Kunio pointed out, both the player and the watcher of a rite can be observed. That is to say, as Chiba Masashi looks on each annual event as a kind of "Matsuri", "Hidari Daimonji" can be thought of as a festival. Therefore, the writer intends to analyse the items as follows : 1) the relationship between the festival and the urban society 2) the social relationship among the participant groups 3) the social relationship between the participant group (the player of the rite) and the non-participant (the watcher of the rite.) . The first step to approach the urban society by making the festival itself an index is to pay attention to the three ritual organizations that participate in "Hidari Daimonji" ; Ama Ko,Hidari Daimo'lji Hozon Kai and Fudo Ko. 1) Ama Ko is also called Kan'nau Kd because Ama Ko participants read aloud together "Go Eika", a Buddhist scripture, in front of the "Kakejiku" of Kan'non, a Budddist picture on the wall, on the 11th of each month. Ama Ko participants are narrowly distributed in the native group in the Kinugasa district, that has lived here for generations. 2) Hidari Daimonji Hozon Kai is the ritual organization which exclusively prepares for the "Hidari Daimonji" festival all the year round and practices its ritual on August 16. Hozon Kai participants are distributed in the extended regional society involving a primary school district and a neighboring community in the urban society. 3) Fudo Ko is formally called Kitayama Kinkakuji Fudo Ko because its worship place is located in the Kinkakuji Temple. The Participants assemble in Fudd Ko on the 1st and the 15th of each month. They are widely distributed in the extended urban area including the Nishijin district, a Sub-Center in Kyoto where comparatively high-grade articles can be purchased. The belief of Fudo's idea is said among the people to function as a cure for diseases of the eyes, mouth, ears and nose. In order to approach and analyse the urban society more clearly, the writer divides the whole urban society into two systems : the inner system and the outer system. First, the writer intends to point out the regional group that can be judged to participate in the festival to the highest degree and regards this regional group as the inner system. And then, outward from this nuclear inner system, we are going to analyse the neighborhood groups, the extended regional society and the urban society as the outer system. As a result of the analysis, we can summarize the following principles : 1) The urban festival contains two dimensions in itself. In one dimension, it integrates various and heterogeneous people and groups together in the urban society. In the other dimension, it divides people who participate in the festival in the widest sense, into the participant group and non-participants in the strictest sense, according to the degree to which particpation is historically and socially regulated.

View full abstract

Ancient Chinese philosophy had considered Chaos (混沌) as the one and only primal absolute force. Out of this Chaos rose the clear and clean Yang (陽) atomosphere to become Heaven, while the dark and murky Yin (陰) atomosphere sank to become Land. Since Heaven and Land are the off-springs of the same maternal substance, it was thought that they should always mingle with each other. As knowledge of astrology deepened and expanded, the non-moving North Star was located and confirmed in the northern sky. This star was then considered as the center of the universe and sanctified as Tai-Yi (太一) . Tai-Yi evolved into one unity with Chaos and became the Supreme Ultimate(太極) . The Big Dipper (北斗) , because of its regular movement around the North Star, was thought of as either Tai-Yi's minister or his vehicle, while also being worshipped as the agricultural god. But couldn't there have been a much simpler reason giving rise to the worship of the Big Dipper ? What makes the Big Dipper so prominent in the night sky is its special spoon-shaped appearance. The Chinese worship and pay tribute to their ancesters. Their ritual is centered around food. It could be that their thought followed the pattern that if they offered food to the heavenly big spoon, the Big Dipper, it would reach the ancestral God of the universe. Incidentally, there is another big spoon besides the Big Dipper in the sky. It is the South Dipper (南斗) in Sagittarius. The ancient Chinese considered this star as the 'Mausoleum' enshrining the ancestral soul. As already expounded, Chinese philosophy has conceived the theory that the sky and the earth were of the same origin. Thus the celestial image was symbolically employed for the imperial court infrastructure. The emperor was considered to be the son of the heavenly king, and the central imperial courtyard was modeled after Tai-Yi's palace. It is said that the northern section of the palace of the Han dynasty was modeled after the Big Dipper, while the southern section, after the South Dipper. The writer assumes that the symbolic embodiment on the earth of these three heavenly bodies were accepted in Japan and its imitation completed in the era of Emperor Temmu (ruled : 672-686) . Through the spoon of the northern and sonthern dippers, offerings finally reach the ancestral god, the North Star. With the North Star forming the nucleus, the angle formed by the North and South Dippers is 67°. This infrastructure is reflected in the construction of the festival hall and the venue of Ohname-sai (大嘗祭-the festival honoring the ancestral soul during the imperial enthronement) of the Ise Shrine as clearly shown in Fig. I through Fig. 5. The Kammiso Festivals (神衣祭-the ritual in which wearing apparels are offered to the ancestral god) of the Ise Shrine are observed twice a year in spring and autumn, but it is full of mystery. The South Dipper is visible from May through October, and the festivals are held when the star becomes visible and when it disappears. The latter is the occasion of the Kammiso Festival. Offerings to the ancestral god are only possible when the big spoon appears. The confirmation of the big spoon is the ritual of the Kammiso Festival which is followed immediately by the Kan-name Festival (神嘗祭) , the food offering ritual to the ancestral god. The Ise Shrine enshrines the imperial ancestral god, Amaterasu (天照), the Goddess of the Sun. Chinese philosophy, hand in hand with astrology, highly esteems the Nohth Star, Tai-Yi (太一) as the fundamental factor of the universe. The incarnation of Amaterasu and Tai-Yi has explained in the writer's previous reportwhich stated in sum as the unification of the Sun and stars.

View full abstract

This is one of the attempts to present lexical evidence relating Japanese to the Austronesian languages. Most of the Old Japanese (OJp.) kinship terms are, according to the author, derivative from or cognate with Proto-Austronesian (PAN) or its branches Proto-Indonesian (PIN), Proto-Eastern-Oceanic (PEO), and Proto-Polynesian (PPN), as follows : 1.1. OJp. titi, ti 'father, forefather' <*tu-i (*i=suffix forming the independent form of a noun) : PAN tuqa 'old ; father, forefather.' 1.2. OJp. fafa, fa 'mother' ; cf. ModJp. paipai 'mother's breast' : PAN bayi 'mother ; motherly. ' 2.1. OJp. omo 'mother,' the nasal form (n. f.) of OJp. ofo- 'grand-' : Malay (Ml.) empuan 'woman', probably : PAN e(m)pu 'grandmother, grandfather.' 2.2. OJp. ofodi 'grandfather' <*ofo-ti, ofoba 'grandmother' <dfolfa : PAN e (m)pu 'grandmother, grandfather.' 3.1. OJp. kaso 'father': Ml. ketua 'elder,' Maori katua 'full-grown, adult, of animals' : PAN ka- prefix, PAN tuqa 'old ; father.' 3.2. OJp. iro- 'maternal' ; cf. OJp. ira 'descent from a royal family' : the Banks Island languages iro 'personal article feminine,' ira 'personal article plural.' 4.1. ModJp, toto 'father' <*tu (reduplicated) : PAN tuqa 'father.' 4.2. ModJp. kaka 'mother': PAN kaka 'elder sister.' Cf. Fiji (Fi.) tua-ha 'elder brother, elder sister': PAN tuqa-kaka. 5.1. OJp. oya 'parent' <*oyo-a (-a=noun-forming suf.) <*moηtua : Ml. me-nua-kan 'let s. t. grow older, riper' <*meη-tua-han (*meη-=verbalizing pref., *.-kan transitive suf.) 5.2. OJp. ko 'child, son, ago 'dear child, dearest,': PAN a (η)ken 'mine' ; cf. Dayak aken 'nephew, niece.' 5.3. OJp. mago 'grandchild' : PAN makempu 'grandchild.' 6.1' OJp. mama 'step-', n. f. of *fafaru : PIN balu 'step-.' 6.2. OJp. mama 'foster mother', ModJp. child 1. mama 'food' : PAN mamaq: PPN mama 'food which, after being chewed, is to be fed to a baby.' 7.1. OJp. ani 'elder brother' : PAN Rani 'manly.' 7.2. OJp. ane 'elder sister' <*anne <*manne <*mamine, n. f. of *fafi,ee : PlN babi 'womanly,' PAN binay 'woman' : PPN fafine 'woman.' 8.1. OJp. ye 'elder brother of a man, elder sister of a woman' <*yd <*ntua : Ml. tua 'elder of the two' : PEO tuaka 'elder brother of a man, elder sister of a woman.' 8.2. OJp. oto 'younger brother of a man, younger sister of a woman' <*uto by vowel alternation (v. a.) <*uta : PAN uda 'young' ; Ml. muda 'younger of the two' <m-uda. 9. 1. OJp. se 'brother of a woman, husband' <*so : PAN tuqa : PEO tua 'father, man.' Cf. OJp. se, so 'the back ; remoter side' : PEO tua 'the back ; remoter side.' 9.2. OJp. imo 'sister of a man ; wife,' n. f. of *ifo : PAN ibu 'mother.' 10. OJp. tuma 'spouse' : PAN teman 'companion' 11.1. OJp. wo 'man, husband' <*mpu : PAN pu 'gentleman' 11.2. OJp. me 'woman, wife' <?*mi, n. f. *fi : PAN binay 'woman' 12.1. OJp. wotoko 'man, husband,' woto <*mputo 'young, marriageable,' v. a. of *mputa ; -ko 'man' : PAN buza 'young, marriageable, 12.2. OJp. wonna, womina 'girl' <mpomina : PPN fafine 'woman' 13.1. OJp. tozi 'mistress' <*tunsi: PAN tu(n) zuk : PPN tusi 'to bewitch s. o. by pointing at him ; sorcery, priest' 13.2. OJp. nusi 'master, minister,' n. f. of *tusi : PAN tu (n)zuk : PPN

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

View full abstract

Many students of Korean kinship have observed that there is an organization of close agnates, called tang-nae or chib-an, a "group" of patrilineal descendants of a common great-great-grandfather. This "group" it has been pointed out, is closely related to the institutions of ancestor cults and five mourning grades. The present paper is an analysis of this "group" based on the field data from a village m South Cholla province. (There are three kinds of ancestor cults in Korea, tomb cult-shihyangche-and two kinds of home cults-ch'arye and kije. We are concerned here with the home cults only.) A man has an obligation to perform memorial services for his patri-lineal ancestors within four generations. The services are performed at the house of the eldest son of the deceased. The status of the eldest son as the chief priest in offering memorial services is transmitted to his eldest son in turn at his death. Thus, the households (chip) of a set of brothers are differentiated into the one of the eldest brother, where the memorial services for their parents are performed, and those of the younger brothers. The former is called k'un-chip (big house), and the latter, chagun-chip (small house) . The range of male agnates who share a common great-great-grandfather (the highest generation ancestor for whom the memorial services are offered at home) is called tang-nae, or more commonly chib-an. Usually the terms k'un-chip and chagun-chip are used within the range of tang-nae or chib-an. Since tang-nae consists of the male patrilineal descendants of a common fourth generation ancestor and their spouses, only those of the same generation within the third cousin range patrilaterally have the same range of tang-nae. Thus, theoretically, the constitution of tang-nae differs with each generation. Though the Confucian teachings obligate only the lineal descendants to perform memorial services for the ancestors, there is a consensus that it is a matter of courtesy to attend the services for the collateral ancestors performed at the households of one's chib-an, too. On the other hand, those lineal descendants who live away from the village where the k'un-chip is located (where the services are offered) tend to skip the memorial services especially when the services are for the remoter generation ancestors. Thus, the services are actually performed by a portion of lineal descendants and a portion of collateral descendants roughly within the range of tang-nae. It is imperative that a man, once married, should be offered services after death and that his line should be perpetuated in the genealogy (chokpo) . Adoption is resorted to when a man has no son. The adoptee should be of the same lineage in the first descending generation of the adopting person. There is a preference for close kin relationship between the parties before an arrangement of adoption is made. The adopted son succeeds his adoptive father for ritual purposes, and he inherits the property of the latter. More often than not, however, adoption is arranged after the death of the adopting person, and in such cases, no radical change may be made in the arrangements of life of the adoptee, except for the ritual purposes. Adoption brings about a situation where the formal genealogical relationships expressed in chokpo and those relationships by birth do not coincide with each other. Under such circumstances, the chib-an relationships are determined by the relationships by birth, and not by those of chokpo genealogy.

View full abstract