The aim of this paper is to describe and analyse the wild-boar hunting activity in Iriomote Island based on the data obtained through the field research from 1978 to 1980. There is a large number of wild-boars (Sus scrofa riukiuanus) in lriomote, and wild-boar hunting with dogs and spears or various types of traps has been carried out for a long time. Even now, during the hunting season, from October to March, hundreds of wild-boars are captured by the islanders, most of whom use a kind of spring-trap. Trappers usually have their own hunting range and go hunting separately. As an object of ecological and anthropological study, wild-boar hunting in Iriomote has several interesting features. Firstly, there still exist many trappers who actively hunt wild-boars, which enables us to describe the hunting method in full detail and to analyse their activities based on direct observation. Secondly, in such an isolated and rather small island, the inhabitants and the wild-boar have been co-existing for a long time maintaining a mutual relationship. Thirdly, as the spring-trap method that the islanders use at present is widely distributed over the world, a lot of useful data can be collected about trap hunting. In this paper, the natural environment, including the ecology of the wild-boar and subsistence of the people, are described. And the trapping activity, which is now spread in the island, is described explicitly and analysed along with activity pattern and its distributions in time and space. Referring to the history of hunting in Iriomote and its social background, the social function of wild-boar hunting is also considered. Finally, hunting in Iriomote is compared with the Mbuti Pygmy's in Zaire, because both groups carry out hunting in a special environment, that is in the dense forest. For the purpose of analysis, the hunting activity of the trappers who specialize only in wild-boar hunting is observed throughout the hunting season. The composition of hunting activity which consists of "trap setting" and "trap patrol" is described and examined. The results are indicated as follows: It takes less than an hour for any hunter to approach any hunting range. The approach time is thus a small part of all the hunting time. Carrying time of the boars is also short. It takes no more than an hour and each patrol time takes no more than 3 hours. These facts mean that each hunting range is narrowly restricted. In fact, the extent of one hunting range is no more than 1 or 2 km^2. The patrol cycle is usually every 4 to 7 days. Short patrol cycles within 1 or 2 days frighten the wild boars away from the range. On the other hand, if the patrol cycle is too long, the trapped boar will die and lose its value as a valuable source of food. The 4 to 7 day cycle then keeps the range in its natural condition and yields a good number of boars. Concerning the efficiency of the trap, in 24 patrol cases out of 32 observed during the study period at least one or two boars were trapped and captured in each patrol, which indicates that trap hunting in Iriomote is performed quite efficiently. According to the analysis of the distribution of traps in the hunting range, the distribution pattern of traps is classified into three types as follows: 1. Feeding-spot pattern 2. Stream-side pattern 3. Ridge pattern Along with the above classification, the structure and utilization of the hunting range are re-examined. Traps are not distributed uniformly and at random, but are concentrated on several spots in the range. And the paths that each hunter follows for patrol are always fixed.

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In the study on Okinawan village structure, the research on kinship organization and cult-religious organization has been highly developed since the 1960's as researchers undertook full scale investigations based on intensive field work in Okinawa. Consequently, various aspects of social and cultural systems have been revealed by those analyses. But on the other hand, it may be true that still today some social facets of the Okinawan village have been overlooked. In this paper I will analyze the character of the age grade system in Okinawan villages, based on a case study of Miyako Island. The study of this field has not been investigated fully either in collecting data or in functional-structural analysis. In retrospect, in the history of studying social organization and the ethnographical reports dealing with it, we can summarize the features of the age grade system in Okinawan villages as follows ; (1) Though age groups or age grade systems do not necessarily exist pervasively in all of the Okinawan villages at least in modern times, from a historical view, age divisions have been one of the most important factors in the social institution on Miyako and Yaeyama Islands, when they were under the control of the old taxation system (Jinto-zei) . And it has been known that there were some age grade system villages functioning in the Okinawan Islands. (2) At the present it is in the Miyako and Yaeyama regions where a considerable number of various age groups have been established. In many cases the age divisions of these groups correspond to the divisions of the old taxation. So historically we can suppose that there was a relationship between them. (3) As for the connection between age groups or age grade systems and the whole structure of the villagese, it is still hardly clear. But according to a report by Prof. Uematsu, both religious and political organizations are regulated or adjusted by the order of the age grade in Aragusuku Island, and she wrote that Aragusuku is quite likely the ideal type of an age grading village. (4) It is in Miyako Island that age groups are notably established at the present time. But as most studies of age groups have been associated with the studies of cult organization in this region, recognition of those groups as the age grade system in the social structure has not progressed. In such a situation, I have been investigating Matsubara village in Hirara city since 1972. In Matsubara the male age grade system was maintained until the 1950's. The males who were from 7 years to 50 years old belonged to the respective age groups in accordance with their ages. Age groups consisted of Kodomo Nakama (7-15) , Sunka (17-40) and Nigazumi (42-50). Moreover, Sunka was further divided. Kodomo Nakama had some roles in a few regular annual rites. In contrast, Sunka carried out political and economical roles (in the secular sphere) in the village organization, Nigazumi performed the religious part (in the sacred sphere) . Thus, Matsubara had been totally integrated by such an age grade system. As for the establishment of this system, it must be considered that the system was connected with the character of the productive structure, social stratification based on the status of households, and of kinship organization. Since the 1960's, the age grade system in Matsubara has been disorganized because of demographic changes, namely, almost all of the young and middle generations have begun to leave the village rapidly, and Sunka could not maintain itself initially as a group. Today the function of Nigazumi is retained by only a few members.

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