In an attempt to organize the overwhelming literature on women, this paper presents a conceptual scheme, which, hopefully, contributes toward an integrative study of women. Two major dimensions are taken into account: social structure (spatial) and the life cycle (temporal). Women, placed in social structure, are characterized in terms of two contrastive tendencies of role distributiom : polarization and neutralization. Under polarization, women assume sex-bound roles which are dichotomous with male roles, involving (1) role specialization (domesticity) , (2) asymmetry (inferiority) , (3) segregation (inaccessibility) , and (4) gender personality (femininity) . Neutralization, counteracting polarization, refers to the pressure toward sex-role transcendence or sex-role reversal. Explanatory of neutralization are : (1) polarization itself, in that its extreme subsumes its opposite ; (2) subsistence ; (3) ideological egalitarianism ; and (4) ritual or extraordinary roles. It is contended that women's roles and behavior should be understood in light of the confluence of polarization and neutralization. Viewing a three-person system as the minimal unit of social stucture, women are further placed in triads that are differentiated into six forms : mediation, rivalry, coalition, indirect rules, compensation, and permeation. Cutting across social structure is the dimension of the life cycle. A life cycle is a composite of many cycles including the biological and several role cycles. Role cycles are categorized as domestic and extradomestic, and the latter further categorized into a set of three dichotomies : primary and secondary, performance and clientage, and individual and collective. The hypertrophy and atrophy in the domestic role cycle must be accommodated by withdrawal from and participation in extradomestic roles, or by the cycle-coupling of two or more cross-generationally related women for a lifelong interdependence. Degrees of polarization or neutralization vary depeding upon one's life stages. Finally, socialization, as a link between social structure and the life cycle, is analyzed with a particular focus on modes and contexts which may reinforce either sex-role polarization or neutralization. Seven characteristics of adult socialization are identified as relevant to women.

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In 1978 in Hikari City Hall, Yamaguchi prefecture, the author delivered a lecture on "Japanese Monkeys and the Japanese People : the History of the Feeling of the Japanese to the Monkey." From this time members of the Sarumawashi no Kai (The Group of Monkey Trainers for the Restoration of Traditional Performances of Monkeys) and the author began a survey of the environment and actual lives of monkey trainers as well as the accompanying lore of the traditional monkey training techniques in Yamaguchi, along the Shimada and Nishiki rivers to their upper basins. Throughout the long history of Japan there has existed a special feeling for the Japanese monkey and the traditional Monkey Performances. Once the monkey was regarded with fear as a sacred animal or as a motif for god, but gradually in the development of Japanese society, the feeling changed. In modern Japan, year by year the traditional monkey lore is vanishing along with the opportunities for Monkey Performances. The author recognizes the fact that in the fields of natural science, ethnology and folklore there is intense interest in the relationship between man and non-human primates. Since ancient times the Japanese attitude toward the Japanese monkey has altered. The Monkey Performances were included events after the feeling of fear of the monkey was conquered. A study of the depth of feeling for the monkey in Japanese culture and the psychological evaluation of monkey lore appeared in Mayazaru Shinko, referring to the belief of the stable with monkey and horse, which had some historical influence in early times. The actual characteristics of Monkey Performances in the religious dances, objects of worship and in documents were arrived at through textual information and successive folklore in Japanese culture. From the medieval period of Japanese history the characteristics and value of the peculiar Monkey Performances gained a reputation in many fields and were respected by the people of Japan. Next, the author dealt with the traditional successive transmission of Monkey Performances, and through a questionnaire of those who appreciated the Monkey Performances in their youth, mentioned the keen observations of those of the Meiji, Taisho and Showa eras. In 1977 the Suwo Sarumawashi no Kai was organized and started the training of monkeys to maintain the Monkey Performances and the members shared the knowledge of training techniques. An analysis was made between the acquired knowledge of the old trainers and their successors, so that the methods of tradittonal training and the understanding of the behavior of monkeys by the old trainers is now known. The consciousness and feeling of the people toward monkeys, and the way the monkey lore has developed in Japan are analyzed, and some comparable feelings toward monkeys could be seen between the trainers and appreciators of monkeys. There is considerable regional variation in the attitude toward monkeys and in different age groups. Since training of the monkeys to stand up had already been started by contemporary trainers of Monkey Performances, it was possible to discuss the methods and to observe the reaction of the people present as the group performed all over the country. The special techniques and the concepts are the result of long experience.

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This study shows that the transformation of Korean village structure from a scattered type to a concentrated one could be attributed largely to a government program which was formulated during the first year of King Sukchon' reign to reform every neighborhood by the unit of five adjoining families in every village. (五家統制).Under the system, each neighborhood of five families was maintained as the lowest administrative unit during the Yi Dynasty mainly to serve the dual purposes of functioning as an autonomous part of village and as an auxiliary organ of the state, helping the government in collecting levies and keeping public order and peace. The Ogatongje we find in the history of Korea is a kind of social system, under which a neighborhood in every village was formed of five adjoining families for the purpose of mutual support and vigilance. It had characters of autonomous community of natural villages and was instituted and maintained for a long period of time under the Yi Dynasty. This study chiefly deals with the historical background that had necessitated the rigid enforcement of the system throughout the country, explains details of the 21-Point Program of the Ogatongje that was issued by King Sukchong in 1675, and also tries to describe in what intensity and to what extent each of the 21-Points was applied in the actual en-forcement of the system, comparing each one with another. The materials based on are those family registry cards which had been prepared on families resident in the areas of Songdong.ni and Yongnak-ni, Daejonghyon, Cheju-do (済州島 大静県,城東里,永楽里) , during more than 100 years from 1798 to 1908. According to the above materials, a neighborhood was formed by the unit of five families and was headed by a chief whose main job was to chek each family against its registry card. Each card was so prepared as to show evey member of individual family, indicating, in the case of family head, his social status, name, age, and sexagesimals (干支). Next, Bon (patrilineal origin) was entered. This was then followed by the names and social status of his father, grand-father, great-grand-father, and maternal grand-father-a four progenitor system to indicate the descent of each family. However, this four-progenitor system was limited to the family or household head and his spouse only within the family. Other family members were indicated just as members (siksol 食卒) , along with their social status, names, ages, and sexagesimals. For names of members, however, only his given name was entered for each male member, but only the surname was entered in the case of each female member. This differenec in the method of recording names can be, on the one hand, attributed to the Confucian concept of giving more importance to the males than to female but, on the other hand, it can be also that the basic purpose of instituting the Ogatong System was to mobilize conscripted labor for the state, and thus, the male members (who are the prime source of labor) were recorded differently so as to identify them easily. The Ogatong System was basically instituted for the efficient control of people. Therefore, it was inevitable that the system was rigorously enforced without any discrimination whatsoever. The neighborhood reformation was so designed, in principle, as to establish each township (myun 面) along the existing boundaries of natural villages. It was not permitted for any family to move its residence from one place to another. However, there were observed many instances in which many families moved their residences in spite of the proscription.

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The problem examined in this article is the relationships between generations. Traditional customs surrouding the relationships and their significance are also examined. The generation here is not one of chronology but biologically between parents and children, which is called the genealogical generation or the genealogical level in the anthropological literature. A generation has for long been considered to be one of the most important criteria in social classification. But more interesting is the relationship between generations and various customs surrounding the generations. As it is often pointed out in many societies, the relatoniship between two proximate generations, that is, between the generation of patents and the generation of children, is characterized by a mutual reserve where any kind of familiarity is forbidden. This relationship in its most severe cases is sometimes called "avoidance", in which both generations, as a rule, are strictly separated from each other. This is also an authoritative relationship that one subjugates the other. In opposition to this is the relationship between two alternate generations, or between the grandparents' generation and the grandchildren's generation. It is characterized by equality, friendliness and familiarity In this relationship both generations are often identified in the way that grandchildren inherit their grandparents' names or grandparents, are reincarnated as grandchildren, or even in some cases, grandchildren are treated as members of the grandparents' generation. The extreme of this familiar relationship is the so-called joking relationship where members of the both generations have the privilege of indulging in obscene joking or teasing at the expense of the others, in a manner never permitted between adjacent generations. What is interesting here is this marked contrast between these two kinds of relationships, the familiarity of two alternate generations on the one hand and the mutual reserve of two adjacent generations on the other. These two kinds of relationships may result in a social dichotomy. Each pair of opposed consecutive generations allies with its alternative ones respectively and thus forms two sets of alternating generation groups. This kind of grouping is in fact known and the concomitant of this is the spatial separation of a village or the dual division of a whole tribe. This dichotomy often regulates a marriage ; a member of one division must not marry a member of another for whom a sense of reserve is required. One must marry a member of his own division. In such case the division deserves the name "the endogamous generation moiety". These relationships between generations are often interpreted as the result of parental authority over their children. It is supposed that, because children are educated and disciplined severely by their parents and so are subordinated to them at least in their early life, the relationship between two proximate generations must be a difficult one. But there does not exist between two alternate generations such a disciplinarian relationship. It is even supposed that two alternate generations are drawn together by a mutual sympathy created by their respective discontent toward the intervening generation. But this supposition can not be supported by ethnographical facts. Firstly, in many cases examined here, it is not the parents but the grandparents who educate the children and this begins after the children are separated from their parents. Secondly, the relationship of mutual reserve is not restricted to the parents and their children, but rather it is the relationship between generations as a whole

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