This paper dlscusses the dynamics of culture in a Fijian village from two aspects. The first is an attempt to investigate the relationship between the culture and the self-interests of its members. On the one hand, culture is manipulated and modified in response to the interests of its actors. On the other hand, culture is a primary factor that regulates the interpretations and strategies for the conditions of those interests. However, the relationship between these cannot be understood properly if one considers culture to be static and inflexible. As with Bourdieu's 'habitus,' culture is formed from the concrete conditions of each person, then continues to evolve. What kind of tastes, beliefs and values have the actors adopted or are they going to adopt under any given conditions? Furthermore, do these exert influence or tend to influence interpretations and strategic decisions? The second aspect concerns the differences and similarities associated with these tastes, beliefs and values. Culture is by no means indelibly engraved on its members. There are several groups whlch share the same particular 1lving conditions and life-style, notwithstanding their organization or consclousness. In addition to common interests, the members of a group dlsplay similar interpretations and strategies. It is essentlal to consider how the groups pursue these two in their own manner and give rlse to cultural dynamics. This dlscussion refers to changes taking place from the 1960's to the mid-1980's in the central village of Tobuniqio, Iocated in the Vugalei district of Viti Levu island in Fiji. Tobuniqio is a farming village comprised of 30 dwellings, and had a population of 114 as of 1985. There are flve clans, including the chiefly sub-clan. During this time, the population and families of Tobuniqio changed drastically. The changes consisted largely of two diametrlcally opposed movements: reduced population during the 1960's due to migration to towns, and then a population increase due to a return from towns in the 1970's. The migration to towns was brought about by the economic growth of Fiji and the construction of a transportation network. The subsequent return to the village stemmed from an economic recession which most immediately affected the temporary labor force, i.e., most of those who moved out of the village. As the recession persisted, more and more unemployed workers returned to Tobuniqio. The lack of career opportunities during this period gave young school graduates no choice but to remain in the village. Among the returnees were some who constructed expensive houses for retirement or to commute to work from their homes in the village.

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1. Introduction This paper investigates two social customs concerning impurity (food acceptability and worship of others' feet) in the families of the Nepalese Upadhya Brahman caste, the highest caste in Nepal. It attempts to show (A) that some aspects of the social structure in these families are reflected in customs involving impurity (specifically limited to bitulo in this paper) and (B) that therefore, the more that people are wedded to such customs concerning impurity, the more the social structure is imprinted on and reinforced in the persons involved, and thus is maintained. 2. Food Acceptability According to the food acceptability custom, certain kinds of cooked foods are considered impure (bitulo) when offered by a person with lower social status to a person with higher social status. The question of which foods are impure to whom under which conditions is determined by social structure. To give one example, Ientil soup and cooked rice, which constitute the most common meal in Brahmans' everyday life, which are cooked by unmarried women or by men who have not yet done their initiation rites (involving having a sacred string looped around the initiate's body), are too impure for anybody in the family to eat, except the unmarried women and uninitiated men. Thus, parents never eat lentil soup and rice prepared by their unmarried daughters or uninitiated sons. These foods, however, are not bitulo among said unmarried daughters and uninitiated sons. To give another example, for eleven days after a child has been born into a family, the members of the famlly are divided into two categorles: the first includes all the men of the famlly and those women who became members of the family through marriage; the second consists of the women who are born into the family, whether they are married or not. The rice and the lentil soup cooked by family members in the first category are bitulo for anybody outside the first category. Hbwever, the rice and the lentil soup cooked by family members in the second category are not bitulo for anyone in the family.

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Dans la zone de la foret atlantique de Sierra Leone et du Liberia, un certain nombre d'ethnies ont des societes secretes de meme type generalement appelees Poro. En relation etroite avec les activites des masques, Ie Poro a des fonctions politiques, economiques, et judiciaires dans la societe tribale. Cet essai analyse la base ideologique fondant l'autorite d'une societe secrete nommee G〓,chez les Dan de la Cete d'lvoire, par le moyen de la notion des masques. La societe G〓 n'a pas ete consideree jusqu'ici comme Poro par les ethnologues. Nous n'examinorons pas la difference entre G〓 et Poro cette fois-ci, cependant il faut preciser que le pouvoir politique est plus concentre a la societe secrete chez les Dan de la region de Danane que chez les autres ethnies possedant deux autorites paralleles, celie de la societe Poro et celle du chef polltique. Autrement dit, chez les Dan le Grand Maitre de G〓 a le caractere de "chef religieux", et l'organisation de Gd dans sa totalite se charge de l'administration. Les masques dan sont sous le contrele de la societe G〓 en tant qu'esprits venant de la foret sauvage. Selon leur cosmologie, G〓 et ses masques possedent du en eux-memes. Du est une "force" immaterielle et extraordinaire qui est envoyee a ce monde par la divinite. Comme dans les autres cas des societes africaines oti cette sorte de concept signifie aussi "pouvoir" dans le sens politique, G〓 en profite pour justifier son autorite et maintenir la norme sociale dan. En particulier, Ie grand principe de G〓 e propos de cette norme, c'est la palx sans aucune violence. Malgre cela, Ie concept dii.signifie avant tout "sorcellerie (witchcraft)" dans les discours quotidiens des villageois dan. De plus, dans la realite, Ia sanction ultime par G〓 et ses masques contre la transgression grave de la norme ne differe point de la maniere des sorciers. La methode concrete de cette sanction est en outre habilement cachee dans la profondeur du secret de G〓 Tant que "pouvoir orthodoxe" et "sorcellerie mauvaise" se trouvent dans le champ semantique du meme concept, Gj, et ses masques ne peuvent jamais justifier eux-memes le bien-fonde de leur autorite. A cause de ce dilemme conceptuel, dian, Ie masque sans face, est introduit dans le systeme de G〓.

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The purpose of this article is to present some cases of the vocative use of kinship terminology in the village of Kufr Yuba: in North Jordan, and to attempt an analysis of the fictive vocative of such terminology in comparison with that of other parts of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham). The fieldwork on which this article is based was carried out in the years 1986-1988 when I was a research fellow at the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, Yarmouk University, Irbid. Kufr Yuba:, described in another paper In this journal (vol.54, no.2), is an Arab Muslim village located about six kilometers west of the city of lrbid. Table 1 shows the vocative kinship terms used by the people of Kufr Yuba. In actual use the Arabic particle yd is sornetimes followed by these terms, except for ydba and yumma. Also, terms ending in i are suffixed with the Arabic pronoun i meaning "my" Other comments are as follows (the numbers refer to the kinshlp terms in Table 1): l, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 If an addressee is elderly, he or she can be addressed as hajj (male) or as hajja (female); haj and hajja are originally titles reserved for one who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca. 11, 12, 13, 14 According to the practice of teknonymy, a married person is as a rule addressed as 'abu ... (father of...) or as 'umm ... (mother of...) where (...) indicates the name of his or her first child after it is born. This rule applies to his or her brothers and sisters if they are married and have a child. Brothers and sisters, however, usually address each other by their personal names when they talk by themselves or in the presence of their family. 15 -16 When a married son has a child, he can be addressed as 'abu... Although she is usually addressed by her personal name at home, she is usually addressed as yaba outside the house. When a married daughter has a child, she can be addressed as 'umm ...

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