Anthropologists who have been engaged in the studies of peasant societies in Latin America or Mediterranean areas have reported that the patron-client relationship is a characteristic interpersonal relationship in peasant societies, Generally speaking, the patron-client relationship is based on social relations between patrons and clients. Patrons are those who use their status, power, influence, authority, etc. to protect and help others, i,e, clients who need the patron's protection and assistance to make their living. But this traditional definition isn't sufficient enough to explain the recent great transformation of the relationship in some Mediterranean communities. This transformation has been, in brief, that the traditional status of patrons has become indistinct, though the "contents" of the relationship still remain, and that it is difficult to certify the literal inequality between patrons and clients. The purpose of this essay is to reexamine these recent changing processes of patron-client relationships and to classify them into some types, and furthermore to reconsider "peasant society", in relation to patron-client relationships. The data used in this paper are based on the reports and analyses presented by anthropologists who have been studying peasant societies mainly in Italy, Spain or Sicily. When we consider the afore-mentioned transformation, we have to examine beforehand the interrelationship between local communities and the larger society, because the nature of patron-client relationships is determined by the structure of this local-larger society interrelationship. According to formerly issued studies on peasant societies and complex societies, this interrelationship can be divided into three categories : 1) local communities constitute isolated and corporate units, and consequently the relation to the larger society is not close ; 2) local communities are included as part of the larger society, but the interrelationship between them is limited to some extent and villagers are connected with the larger society indirectly ; 3) the boundaries between local communities and the larger society are not clear and villagers come into rather direct contact with the larger society. In accordance with this classification, patron-client relationship can also be classified into three types. But before that, some important points must be taken into account. Looking through past studies on patron-client relationships, two factors may be extracted as criteria which might determine the relationship. One is that the person regarded as a patron exists actually, and the other is that the relationship is characterized by the inequality between patrons and clients. As mentioned above, however, these criteria have become less meaningful as the result of recent transformation. In this paper, then, new indicators are adopted and by means of them patron-client relationship is redifined. The indicators consist of five points. They are the following : 1) it is a personal relationship ; partners involved are in face-to-face contact and exclude anonymity 2) it is a voluntary relationship 3) it is a continuous relationship 4) it is a mutual-aid relationship ; goods and services exchanged between patrons and clients flow not one way but both ways 5) goods and services offered by patrons are qualitatively different from those returned by clients.

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Abasewzi (sing, omuswezi) in Busoga, Uganda, are believers in spirits called emisambwa whose natures are represented by heroic figures, natural forces or the like. They observe special taboos and customs, such as not eating of fish or not cooking plantains in company with nonbelievers. They have their own spirits, for which they work as mediums. These spirits belong to persons, lineages and offices of chiefs of abaswezi according to the natures of the spirits. A ritual for the spirit called enfumu takes place, for instance, when someone becomes seriously ill and he is told by diviners that he is afflicted by the spirit of his lineage. In this case, all the members of the lineage should attend the ritual and wait with dancing and singing until the spirit comes and possesses one of the lineage members. Goats are sacrificed and a shrine (eisabo) is built for the spirit. He who is possessd should become omuswezi. Characteristically, these rituals of emisambwa are held by the local abaswezi under their own chiefs, since they are responsible for everything about the spirits. The tribal organization of abaswezi is constructed in a form based on a hierarchy of chieftainships. It has several grades of chiefs and councils with a constitution. Abaswezi as a whole have the privilege of performing the rituals and levying fees on villagers. Their chiefs' territories are not simple communities of believers, but, like those of political chiefs, their ruling domains where all the inhabitants are subjected to their power. In fact, their hierachy of chieftainships is exactly patterned on the model of the political chieftainships in Busoga. Abaswezi rule people as the political chiefs do. Their ritual fee is a counterpart of the political chiefs' fee which they get in their judicial moots, symbolizing their inalienable power over the ritual order and welfare of the inhabitants. In a sense, abaswezi chiefs are competing with political chiefs, though their spheres of influence are different. The association of abaswezi is, however, not a secret society like similar associations in Bunyoro or in Sukuma. Their spirit rituals are open throughout and initiated persons are given no secret knowledge. They always proclaim themselves by wearing peculiar ornaments, by playing special music and dancing, and particularly by open spirit possession. It is this frequent open spirit possession which is performed on the occasion of the spirit rituals or elsewhere that lends abaswezi their reputation and authority. In spite of this openness, these abaswezi are extremely feared like witches or sorcerers, because they show to the common villagers their ability of controling emisambwa which are, generally speaking, evil. These spirits are believed to harm people by receiving someone's prayer or curse, and the common people, therefore, hate the spirits, rituals and abaswezi. It means that open and unhesitating spirit possession in front of the villagers is a confession of convinced abaswezi or even their declaration against the established social values. There is a remarkable ambivalence in common villagers' attitudes toward the rituals of, say, their own lineage's spirit. It is anyway a symbol of the lineage solidarity which is highly valued among them. It is difficult to refuse to participate in rituals for the benefit of sick lineage mates. On the other hand, they don't like to have anything to do with abaswezi because they are dangerous and immoral heretics, who are against such publicly recognized beliefs as Christianity. There are always conflicts among the kinsmen concerning the attendance of the rituals. It is in this aspect that abaswezi can be seen as intruders in the internal affaires of lineages.

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This presentation is an attempt to rethink the religious complex in a village context, and is based upon a cursory recapitulation of impressions which I had in the course of field-research in Chiengmai, Northern Thailand, from January 1976 to January 1977. The anthropological study of village religious complex has been distorted by some obscure concepts, i. e. syncretism, animism and the great tradition vs. the little. These concepts are convenient labels under which one can be easily persuaded that he comprehends what is really unclear and incomprehensive. These concepts are vague, in a sense, and aid little in a proper understanding of the problem concerned. Instead. I try to illuminate features of village religion primarilly through detailed analysis of rituals, since, in northern Thailand, religion is recognized by the practice of rituals, par excellence. Essentially I am devoting this analysis to the discussion of rainmaking rituals. Rain-making rituals are chosen here, for three reasons. The first is that the purpose of the ritual is very plain. The second is that there are two types of ritual with a common purpose. The third one is that rain-making is of vital importance to a rice-cultivating society. Specifically in 1976, people of the village P, located at the south-east edge of Chiengmai river basin. suffered from the scarcity of rainfall. The people concerned have three occasions for rain-making during the rainy season. The first one is the collective rite performed at the Buddhist temples on the opening day of Buddhist Lent. Second is the collective temple rite conducted on the day of annual major merit-making ceremony. Third is the placation of the river-head guardian spirit held on the river-beach at the mountain side. The first and the second rites have common characteristics as follows. They are performed by monks at Buddhist temples on the occasion of two annual major merit-making ceremonies. The rainmaking rite itself consists of magical chanting (parit), sprinkling lustral water and offerings to the Three jewels of Buddhism. People call these two rituals tham bun kho fon (merit-making for rain=making) generally. The third ritual is performed by lay specialists and is characterized by an invocation and offerings, including the sacrifice of an ox, to one particular guardian spirit. People call this ritual liang phii puu naam (placation of river-head spirit). In order to present a picture of village religion, I try to see how these two types of rain-making rites are differenciated according to the following criteria : the occasion of the ritual, the place of performance, the range of participation, the officiants, the contents of offerings, the ritual language and the objects of the ritual. Let me explain the distinctive features of each rain-making rite based upon the above-mentioned criteria. Around the first criterion, the occasion of ritual, the temple rain-making rite is performed on the annual collective merit-making occasion as one component of the day-long ceremony. The placation of river-head spirit is performed as particularly independent ceremony. With regard to the second criterion, one is performed at a Buddhist temple and the other on a river-beach at the mountain side. The Buddhist temple is a conspicuous physical structure in villages and the marked place that shows sacredness. The holy precinct of a temple is a demarcated place and the temple buildings are semi-permanent structures.

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