The author discusses the history of Anthropologyin European countries. Based upon this discussion, the author emphasizes his original .viewpoint, which strictly distinguishes Anthropology as a natural science of man from Ethnology as a study of Kulturgeschichte (cultural history). However the author points out the following conclusion. Although the Anthropology traditionally focused its attention merely upon the anthropometry and observation of explicit physical features, this trend was due to general need to describe various peoples in the world, which was felt urgent in the past. Contemporary Anthropology should be based upon the current interest and needs of the world, and should be concerned with the welfare of the human beings. For this reason Anthropology should extend its scope to have ties not only with anatomy as in the past, but also with physiology, biochemistry, etc. As a new system of Anthropology in this direction, the following five branches are proposed.I General Anthropology l) Basic principles and purpose of Anthropology2) History of Anthropology 3) Variation and variability 4) Heredity, influence of outer factors and selection 5) Relation with other primates 6) Chronological and chorological relations of fossil human bones 7) M, ixture and crossing of peoples 8) Gathering, preparation and preservation of specimens II. Anthropomorphology l) Somatology 2) Anthropology of inner soft parts 3) Osteology 4) Body-mutilation, trepanation etc. 5) Violations, Pathological and postmortal changesIII Anthropoergology (derived from Greek word ergon=work) 1) Influence of labour upon the shape of muscles, bones, stature, etc. of living persons. 2) Influence of labour upon the shape of fossil bones 3) Technological development in the Stone Age as seeri through the shape of bones IV. Anthropoecology 1) Influence of natural and social environment upon physical features 2) Study of nutrition 3) Chrono- and Chorological differences on population and duration of life V. Anthropography Description of prehistoric and living peoples

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This is a general and critical review of the study of values in cultura] anthropology. The study of values seems to be one approach to the study of culture and social structure in general as well as of particular cultures. An analytical separation of ' values ' from 'social structure ' and ' culture ' may be advantageous for describing such socio-cultural phenomenon as socio-cultural change, the author argues. Moreover, in his view, the analysis of value dynamics would be more fruitfu] than a static study of values. Two points are emphasized. One is that value dynamics should be explained not only on the psychological level, but also on the cultural level in terms of a dynamic theory of culture. The author suggests what such a theory of culture and related theory of values might include. The other point the author stresses is that the study of values should be made in terms of socio-cultural data collected within the framework of structtiral analysis. While other data collecting techniques are valuable, such as Vogt's life-history approach for studying values among Navahos, these should be considered secondary or complementary. The " Iittle community approach " of Professor Redfield provides a better solution, the author believes. This approach is now being followed in his field work in a rural village in Japan.

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In his recent article, The After-Life in Indian Tribal Belief (1953), C. von Furer-Haimendorf presented the hypothesis that the post-Vedic Hindu concept of successive existences in a chain of rebirths owes its origin to the eastern tribal belief about after-life, and he supported this argument witt h the following facts : first, the concept of transmigration and reincarnation of souls is peculiar to India and absent not only among other Indo-European peoples, but also among the Rigyedic Aryans ; secondly, if so, the rise of this concept in post-Vedic thought suggests that the earlier Aryan beliefs were gradually transformed under the influence of certain indigenous concepts held by populations with which the Vedic Aryans came ihto contact after their arrival in India, and according to him this is not unlikely if we consider that not a few concepts stemming from pre-Aryan civilizations have found their way into Hindu thought and scriptures, just as concepts of orthodox Hinduism have been assimilated by many bf the primitive tribes. Finally, he stated that the soul-concepts and the eschatological ideas of the Indian primitive tribes fall into two different patterns, represented respectively by the Raj Gonds of Middle India and the Assam hill tribes. Among the latter, we find the clear concept of a soul of 'psyche type ', which can leave the matariel body even in a man's life-time, and the detailed picture which shows an interminable series of ' Lands of the Dead ', the inevitable death of a person after a span of life in any such ' Land of the Dead ' and ' the gurdian ' of this Land. Depending on these facts C. von Fdrer-Haimendort came to the conclusion that such a belief of the Assam tribes may have contributed to the develoopment of the Hindu concept of transmigration of souls. But he also added that he did not suggest the immediate contact of the Vedic Aryans with any of the Tibeto-Burman speaking tribes now living on India's north-eastern borders. Rather the Vedic Aryans came into contact with some populations, during their eastwards movement along the Ganges valley, holding eschatological beliefs conceptually similar to those still found among some of the more isolated hill tribes.

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In 1957 we visited a fishing village. WAKAGO buraku in NIIJIMA Island. Izu. An essential element of the vi]lage organization is the "generation-age grade system". Every male in the village can be addressed by a family relationship term by virtue of his position in the generatipnage grade system. Thus this system is classificatory. Another feature of the social structure is the marriage custom. Here matri-patrilocality is common. That is, both husband and wife stay with and work for the husband's family in the daytime and spend the evenings at the wife's parents' house. This type of residence continues until the husband's father goes into formal retirement. Upon succession to his father's positiorr in the family, the husband brings his wife and children to live in this household, as in the usual patrilocal residence pattern. This general pattern of matri-patrilocality is designated by Professor T. Omachi as the lzu-Toshima type. Our examination of the marriage customs in WAKAGQ village reveals that both lzu-Toshima pattern and the patrilocal residence pattern are followed.

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Almost all the people of any village or town in Nagano-ken in Japan imagine that the rainbow rises from the water. " Where does the rainbow rise from ? " Ask the question, and one almost always receive such an answer that the rainbow rises from a pond, a marsh, a river, depths, a lake, or the sea. Sometimes people tel・1 him even the name of a special and definite pond or river from which the rainbow rises. Such a traditiona] belief among people that the rainbow rises from the water is found not only in Nagano-ken, but also in Niigata-ken, Yamanashi-ken, and Chiba-ken, and even in such a far northern district as Akita-ken, according to the author's information. It can also be found in Ishikawa・ken, Fukui-ken, the urban districts of Ky6to, Hy6go-ken, Kyti-shiu, and even in Okinawa Isles. In short, this traditoinal belief that the rainbow rises from the water may be considered to be wide spread among people all over Japan. And moreover it may have exsited a'mong people since ancient times. One can find the evidence of its existence in such classics as Kojiki, Nihonshoki, and Mannyo. The documents of the Heian Dynasty show that it also exsited in that age. The origin of this traditional belief can be explained by an ancient, belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent that lives in the water. The ancient be]ief even now remains evidently in such prefectures as Nagano-ken, Yamanashi-ken, Akita-ken, and dita-ken, and also in Okinawa Isles. This queer ancient belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent which rises from its dwelling place in the water is found not only among Japanese, but also among the Ainu, Koreans, Chinese, the aborigines of Formosa, Malayans, Rumanians, and lrishmen in Europe. Africans, Austrarians, and the natives in America, in so far as it has been known to the author till now. It may be concluded that all the people in the world, perhaps, had once the ancient belief. There was another belief from old time that the rainbow was a bridge from the heaven to the earth over which various divine beings passed. This was believed not only in Japan, China, and Korea, but also among American Indians and many of Europeans. It was also a world-wide traditional belief. There was one more belief that gold, treasures, and good luck were hidden at the place from which the rainbow rose. This belief was probably world-wide from old timesand seems to have some close relation with a strange Japanese custom in the Middle Age that a fair was held at the place from which a rainbow had risen. What interests the author is the report indicating some relation between the rainbow and an old Melanesian trade custom. What has been mentioned above is the result drawn from the data ivhich the author collected and arranged, but it is too great a riddle for him to solvb why there are such traditional beliefs about the rainbow that seem to be common to all the people in the world.

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