This study considers the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ by examining the description in history books written by them and the political and social background of the 1930s. ‘Bamar Muslims’ are self−styled individuals having Islamic faith; they are conscious indigenous citizens and respect Myanmar customs. It is maintained that approximately 89% of the entire population of Myanmar is Buddhist, with 98% of the Burmese ethnic group following Buddhism. It is quite common that the term “Bamar” includes a religious implication, namely Buddhism, although it is occasionally used to refer to the Burmese “ethnic group” only. The concept of “Bamar” ethnicity, which includes both ethnic grouping and religious belief, is widespread throughout Myanmar society.

In British Burma, there was an influx of Indian immigrants in the mid−19th century because of the new administrative system and economic development during the British colonial rule. Muslims currently living in Myanmar, including ‘Bamar Muslims’, are mostly descendants of Indian immigrants who migrated prior to, or during, the British colonial period. Most of these immigrants gained citizenship through naturalization and appeared to be integrated into the nation state.

The claim of Bamar Muslims appeared during the British colonial period. Bamar Muslims wrote some books on their history in the 1930s, emphasizing that they are not Indians but ethnically Burmese. These history books describe their adoption of Burmese culture and customs, and good relationships between Bamar Muslims and the dynasties of Burma. In contrast, on the Census, they were categorized as ‘Zerbadi,’ whose father is Indian Muslim and mother is Burmese Buddhist. The Zerbadi community was recognised as the Indian Muslim community, and the Census reports show that Burmese people regarded Bamar Muslims as Indians or foreigners, not as Burmese. Moreover, in the 1930s, there was widespread discontent against Indians in Burmese society, so the Indians found the environment there uneasiness because of the social frustration directed at them.

The voice of Bamar Muslims that they were indigenous Muslims and respected Myanmar’s culture first came to light during the 1920s and 1930s; this was a result of an interplay of various factors. The point of emphasis first appeared in history books written by Bamar Muslims themselves, in which they asserted their own identity. In addition, it is speculated that one of the reasons for the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ was the feeling of anxiety harboured by those who found themselves the targets of frustration and dissatisfaction, along with the feeling of disconnect between their self−consciousness and the way in which the surrounding society grouped and categorised them.

This essay clarifies how Prince Damrong Rachanuphap, who is widely known as the first Minister of the Interior and the ‘father of Thai History,’ displayed and instilled the value of ‘Thainess’ at the Bangkok National Museum during the reign of King Rama VII（1925−1935）.

Soon after the beginning of the reign, the museum was quickly transformed from a ‘general’ museum to a ‘historical and/or archaeological’ museum under the direction of Prince Damrong and was officially re-opened as the ‘Bangkok Museum’ in 1926. At that time, a number of antiquities were transferred to the Bangkok Museum, mainly from provincial museums, the Ministry of the Interior and the private palace of Prince Damrong himself. Accordingly, the museum collection became more clearly characterized as representing Siamese state and territory. In addition, artifacts were displayed in a way that emphasized the unique aspects of ‘Thais’ in contrast to ‘Khmers.’ The efforts to distinguish both cultural aspects are clearly recognized in Prince Damrong’s writings, including A Journey to Angkor Wat（1924）and A History of Siamese Stupas（1926）.

Meanwhile, Prince Damrong attempted to utilize the museum as a part of school training beginning in 1928. He made lectures in front of visiting teachers, and according to his speech draft preserved at the National Archives of Thailand, one of the purposes of this museum education was to ‘make students love their country.’ He defined museum objects as ‘heritage’ from Thai ancestors who had protected the country, and encouraged the audience to leave behind their own ‘heritage’ to descendants. Likewise he stressed the significant role that the Chakri Dynasty and its Kings played in maintaining independence from the Burmese. It can be summarized that his ‘patriotism’ is an ideology that demands the unity of Thais under Royal governance.

Thus, the Bangkok National Museum during the reign of King Rama VII was transformed into an institution that conveys the value of ‘Thainess’ in terms of its cultural and ideological dimensions.

Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa proposed the Forum for Comprehensive Development of Indochina （FCDI） as a scheme for the reconstruction and the development of Indochina during his visit to Southeast Asian countries in January 1993. Not a few preceding studies point out its unique character.

According to the literature review, FCDI has four implications: 1 ） it set up the development of the whole region of Indochina; 2 ） it set up not only the development of the industrial infrastructure but also the “comprehensive development” including the human resource development and planning capacity of development programs; 3 ） it drew attention of the international society to the development of Indochina; and 4 ） it provided a “forum” to discuss the development of Indochina.

Nevertheless, the literature lacks sufficient studies on the contexts and processes, in and through which the aforementioned implications had come to be highly valued. Moreover, the preceding studies mention FCDI merely in some parts of their bodies but none of them deals with it as the main theme of the study.

Therefore, this research traces the historical process from the foundation to the abortion of FCDI, based on diplomatic documents of Japan and news paper articles. More precisely, it aims to clarify what the main purpose was and to propose a new implication of FCDI through the analysis of the recognition among Japanese diplomats.

The results of the research are as follows. Firstly, the implementation of development programs for the sake of the whole region of Indochina and the provision of a “forum” to discuss the development of the region had been taken into consideration by Japanese diplomats since around the time when Miyazawa visited Southeast Asian countries in January 1993. These implications had become core principles of FCDI. Secondly, so-called comprehensive development had come to be highly valued in the context of the “development of the whole region.” In other words, comprehensive development was a “means” to develop the whole region of Indochina. Meanwhile, Japan’s diplomats did not value the implication of FCDI to draw attention of the international society. However, Japanese diplomats gradually became less and less able to ignore this implication in order to demonstrate Japan’s initiative for the regional development of Indochina to the international community.

Among the four implications, Japanese diplomats regarded the development of the whole region of Indochina as the main purpose of FCDI. As for a new implication of FCDI, this paper concludes that FCDI was the scheme that enabled Japan’s positive initiative for the regional development of Indochina without alarming the international community.

This essay discusses Southeast Asia as the strategic area of historical science and area studies in the midst of the growing crisis today. The author focuses her inquiry on theoretical frameworks in famous researches.

In the first section the accounts of Southeast Asia in Wallerstein’s Modern World-System I-IV, ReORIENT by A.G. Frank, and Navigating World History by P. Maninng are examined very briefly. The author concludes that the accounts are few with little quality, and that students who read those books would think Southeast Asia is a less important area to study.

In the second section V. Lieberman’s frameworks, concepts and analytical tools in the first chapter of Strange Parallels are examined. The author highly appreciates his brilliant ideas that compare mainland Southeast Asia with Europe as a promontory of Eurasia protected from Inner Asian nomad, and that “For the first time mainland Southeast Asia enters the big leagues.” Also she believes that almost all Southeast Asia specialists would admire his strategy which makes the scholars who are interested in global history read the history of mainland Southeast Asia firstly. However, his work has a tendency to exclude Maritime worlds, Africa, international systems, as well as the minor countries and areas than mainland Southeast Asia. Although his work doesn’t favor big countries but middle size countries, it seems to stand on the same theoretical basis influenced by social evolutionism as the previous studies do.

In the third section the author introduces important previous studies on Southeast Asia in her own purpose to establish a theoretical framework, with which we can describe the natural and human environments around societies and make as many historical actors （from a central government of a big country to a small society, even street prostitutes and cats） as possible appear on the global stage. The author anticipates that this research strategy combined with case study/method in business school will contribute to solving problems today and overcoming the vestige of social evolutionism.

This article portrays the development of “Area Studies of Disaster Management” since the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, and discusses its significance, with focus on its relations with disaster mitigation and humanitarian assistance.

The Indian Ocean tsunami ignited to connect disaster mitigation and humanitarian assistance on one hand, and area studies on the other. After the tsunami, disaster management was recognized as a means of addressing social issues in international society, and disaster mitigation and reconstruction became an important agenda for international cooperation. More researchers of area studies participated in joint research activities with researchers of disaster mitigation and humanitarian assistance workers. While area studies, which have traditionally been focusing on the aspects of human and social sciences, embarked on research on disaster management.

This new situation in disaster management led to recognition of the necessity of area studies in redeeming the challenges being faced by the conventional practice of disaster mitigation and humanitarian assistance. Efforts have been made to apply a model of disaster mitigation based on the example of Japan and other developed countries, where advanced technologies for disaster mitigation are available, to other areas and such a model is often applied without seriously considering the local context of the recipient society. While in the field of humanitarian assistance, an international standard is being developed and implemented, which often ignores the local context of the recipient society too. The role of Area studies here is to provide new understandings of the areas which are useful for practice of disaster mitigation and humanitarian assistance.

This article mainly took up the cases of disaster management in Indonesia, and introduced two features, namely, high social flux and the role of posko or coordination posts in Indonesia. This article also discusses the fact that area studies of disaster management will enrich both area studies and the practice of disaster management, and will serve as an important analysis framework in the “age of humanitarian assistance” which is taking over the current “age of wars.”