東南アジア -歴史と文化-
Online ISSN : 1883-7557
Print ISSN : 0386-9040
ISSN-L : 0386-9040
1973 巻, 3 号
選択された号の論文の15件中1~15を表示しています
  • 伊東 照司
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 3-27
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Cambodia's Angkor, there are a number of monuments built by the kings of Khmer empire. Only a few of them have been dated by an epigraphical study done by a French scholar, Professor George Coedès. In his book Pour Mieux Comprendre Angkor (1947), Coedès has provided a list of the dated monuments, which is a valuable reference for reading the inscription.
    In both Augusts of 1966 and 1967, the present writer conducted research on the dated documents of Angkor and found that many of the goddesses, which are usually about one meter high, are on the sides of the buildings. The present article will describe the goddesses, noting their artistic style, and indicating where they can be found. This approach is intended to illuminate the development of the finished form of these through the Khmer Classical Period. Following the description (fig. 1-fig. 14), the present writer provides, by way of conclusion, the characteristics of the four “types”. These should enable us to classify common elements, i. e., general appearance, the style of the loincloth, etc. (see fig. 15).
    “A type”:
    1) Only three examples survive: Preah Kô (879), Bakong (881), and Lolei (893).
    2) The whole body, including the head and feet, always faces directly forward and stands very erect.
    3) Upper part of two parts: One is triangular and the other is a half-circle shape.
    “B type”:
    1) Only three were found: Phnom Bakheng (about 900), Mebon Oriental (952), and Prè Rup. (961).
    2) The whole body stands erect, but the fact is a little turned and the feet face outward.
    3) The upper part of the loincloth is a half-circle shape; the triangle shape appears once: Mébon Oriental is the only exception. Its loincloth is of the “A type” while its body is of the “B type”. The niche and loincloth were an imatation of the Lolei which belongs to the “A type”. The building was in the middle of the lake (which dried up) as was the Lolei. The position of the face and feet reflect the style of that time (the “B type”).
    “C type”
    1) Only two were found: Bantéay Srei (967) and Baphuon (about, 1060).
    2) The body is in a relaxed position known as “Dvinanga” and “Trivanga” in Sanskrit.
    3) The upper part of the loincloth has a pear-shaped flap of material hanging down from the waist.
    “D type”
    1) Only four were found; Angkor, Vat (First half of the twelfth century), Ta Prohm (1186), Preah Khan (1191), and Bayon (end of the twelfth century).
    2) The body is in a straight but relaxed position.
    3) A separate piece of material is added to the costume as decoration. In Angkor Vat and a Prohm is usually hangs at the side. But in Preah Khan and Bayon, it hangs from the middle of the waist.
    An overview of all the “types” suggests that the costumes of “types” A, B, and are the same as that of a common women. The “D type”, however, represents the dancers of the royal court during that period; this costume has been handed down to the present day and is worn by contemporary dancers.
  • ―「複合社会」の形成―(2)
    白石 隆
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 28-58
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    The year 1906 marked a turning point in the history of the Chinese movement in Java, for at the beginning of this year Chinese Chambers of Commerce (Shang-hwee) began to be established in Java's urban centers under the guidance of the Ch'ing dynasty. The leaders of these Shang-hwee, most of whom were wealthy Chinese merchants, were suddenly brought into the officialdom of the Ch'ing dynasty, and gradually came to challenge the leadership and power of the Chinese officials sanctioned by the colonial authorities (Kong-koan)
    Around 1909, Java's major cities saw the establishment of “reading clubs” (Soe-po-sia) by anti-Ch'ing revolutionaries. These clubs were intended to raise funds for revolutionary activities and to spread revolutionary ideas among the Chinese in Java. Soe-po-sia members were generally immigrants (Totok), and included a large number of THHK school teachers.
    The more the Chinese movement in Java came to be directly influenced by the poitical climate in China, the more the influence and leadership of the China-oriented Totok increased. Nonetheless, as is indicated by the fact that the most influential person in the movement was Majoor Oei Tjong Ham of Semarang, the leadership of the movement remained in the hands of wealthy Peranakans, whose primary aim was to improve the status of the Chinese in Java. This was particularly true in the case of the leaders of THHK-Batavia, who carefully avoided becoming involved in the conflict between royalists and revolutionaries.
    When the Republic of China was established in 1911, there was a sudden upsurge of nationalistic feeling among the Chinese in Java. The Totok took this opportunity to express their contempt for the “half-caste” Peranakans and to denounce the Dutch-oriented Chinese officials. Nationalistic feeling was especially strong among the Hakka, who were the largest group in the Soc-po-sia. This put the latter on collision course with the members of Sarekat Islam, which was then just beginning to make an impact on Indonesian nationalism. In the end, the Kong-koan lost their leadership of the Chinese community, with many of them accepting the leadership of the Shang-hwee and Soe-po-sia.
    Thus, the heightening of a Chinese-consciousness among the Chinese immigrants, which had been the primary goal of the THHK leaders, resulted in, hostility and confrontation with the native population of Java. The passing of the leadership of the Chinese community from the hands of the Peranakans to those of the Totok also meant rejection of the European community. Thus, the Chinese community established itself as an independent entity, and gave rise to pluralistic society in Java. The Chinese, therefore, dicided not to send any representatives to take the seats allotted to them in the newaly constituted Volksraad in 1918. It soon became evident, however, that the Republic of China offered no advantages to the Chinese in Java while the colonial authorities were offering improvements in the status of the Peranakans This resulted in a gradual divergence of orientation between the Peranakans and the Totok.
  • 1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 56
    発行日: 1973年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡田 宏二
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 59-81
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Historical studies of China and Southeast Asia have recently focussed on South China and Southwest China. In particular, much work has been done on the history and culture of non-Chinese groups, that is, ethnic groups in South China.
    This is not to say that there is no room for more study. Much of what has been done is rough as yet, and requires organization and synthesis. Understanding of the racial structure of ethnic groups in South China is especially complicated as the genealogies of the, Yao the Miao, the Liao, the Hakka and the Hung are not distinct.
    Professor Yoshiro Shiratori has begun to elucidate the complicated genealogical structure of ethnic groups in South China. He focussed on, the t'u-ssu system, which had been established by the Chinese in order to govern their non-Chinese conquests, and he classified and distributed the t'u-ssu clans in order to elucidate their genealogy and historical background. This is without question a pioneering effort in studies of South China tribal history and culture. Professor Shiratori believes that the study of the historical background of each racial group is invaluable in reconstructing the history of this region.
    In line with Professor Shiratori's point of view, the present writer proposes to inquire into the genealogy of Chi'i-t'ung-man during the Sung dynasty, to determine their racial origins, clan history and distribution.
    Almost all the Sung Ch'i-t'ung-man trace their descent to Yao and the Keh-lao. The Yao first inhabited the Lake Tun-t'ing region gradually spreading out until, by the Sung Period, they covered area, from the northern part of Kwangsi Province to the northern part of Kwangtung Province. The names of some Yao clans are Ch'in', Yao, Lo, Lei and Yuan; others tracing their descent to the Yao are P'eng, Su, Huang, Teng, T'ang, Pan, Fang, Zhong, Li and Ch'en. Certain others, such as T'ien, Hsian, Shu, T'an were initially barbarian chiefs mentioned in ancient documents, and became Chinese government offcials under the official chi-mi policy. Eventually their names were entered in the Chinese census register, and their barbarian origins became obscured and ultimately disappeared. Accordingly it is practically impossible to trace theirr genealogy in non-Chinese sources, although they invariably do derive from the Yao.
    The Keh-iao, on the other hand, produced such clans as Yang, Wu and Wei, of which Yang was an eminent barbarian clan remarkably active in the period of the Southern Sung dynasty. The eh-lao was more advantaged by its contact with Chinese civilization than other tribes, and developed a rather high level of culture. The Keh-lao originally inhabited the boundary area of Szechwan and Hupei. Like the Yao, they also gradually spread, and by the Sung, populated as widely distant geographical Hunan and Kweichow.
    It was during this same Sung period that the Yao and the Keh-lao came into contact and mixed in the district of the Ch'i-t'ung-man. This inevitably resulted in change in their respective cultures, though, to be sure, they Were both heavily influenced by the dominant Chinese culture.
    In the same district, other tribes, such as the Miao and the T'ung, appeared subsequent to the Yuan period. Future studies will focus on the issues of racial between the Yao the Miao and the T'ung, and between the Keh-lao and the Liao.
  • 田淵 保雄
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 82-96
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    The charter which was given to the Dutch East India Company under the authority of the States General is, no doubt, one of the most prominent documents in the history of the Netherlands. The charter kept its, authority essentially unchanged for nearly 200 years. As Clive Day says in his Dutch in Java, the Company has no history in true sense of the word; its principles remained the same, and the basic idea of the Company continued to resist the course of time.
    Nevertheless, careful scrutiny will reveal noteworthy changes:
    1) A dispute between Director and Participants from 1620 to 1623 resulted in the success of the former, and in the apathy of the latter Directors brought their “despotic power” into effect.
    2) The Dutch East India Company came to power in Java, or to the, “upper landlord” through “Javanese Wars of Succession.” This, of course, produced structural changes in the Company system. The Company headquarter in the Netherlands was in no will to confirm these changes.
    3) The Company came to ruin after the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War. (1780-1784). The rise of Britain proved to be the fall of the Netherlands, leading to civil conflict in the Dutch homeland. The decline of the Company is one of the most fascinating phases of its life.
    There were considerable debates as to whether the Company should be built up or not. One of the founders, Johann van Oldenbarnevelt, said that people in the Netherlands opposed to an exclusive According to Klerk de Reus, the Company came into being in accordance with the “Demand of time.” The States General gave Company right to wage war and to negotiate with foreign petty princes, and made the Company its partner in accordance with the law of the Dutch Commonwealth. The States General put its will into effect as power, “sic volo, sic jubeo.”
    The articles of the Charter are briefly enumerated here: 1. Chambers, 2. Chambers and Gentlemen XVII, 3. Gentlemen XVII, 4. Power of Gentlemen XVII, 5. States General and Gentlemen XVII, 6. Term of Validity, 7. General Closing Account, 8. Investment, 9. Right of Participants, 10. Limitation of Investment, 11. Collection of Stock, 12. Rule of Seafaring, 13. Concerted Responsibility of Chambers, 14. Equipment and Return, 15 & 16. Right of Cities and States to Company, 17. Distribution of Profits, 18-23. Number of Directors, 24 & 25. Fixed Number of Directors, 26. Filling Vacant Directorship, 27. Director's Obligation of Oath, 28. Director's Obligation of Keeping the Stock, 29. Emoluments of Director, 30. Prohibitions Imposed on Director, 31 & 32. Director and the Central Money Safe, 33. Director's Right of Personnel Management, 34. Monopoly System, 35. Sovereign Power of Company, 36. Right of Admiralty Collegium, 37. Dealing with Cargo and Ship of Enemy, 38. Duty to Pay Import and Export Taxes, 39. Company's Right to Keep Weapons and Ammunition, 40. Scale, 41. Rule of Using Scale, 42. Director and His Limited Responsibility, 43 & 44. Right o Administration of Company and. Company's Obligation to Pay Chartered Money, 45. Obligation of Fleet Captain t Make Report to States General, 46. Obligation of People in the Netherlands to Observe Charter.
  • 吉川 利治
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 97-105
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 桜井 由躬雄
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 106-116
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 白石 昌也
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 117-126
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 恒之
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 127-130
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 市川 健二郎
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 130-134
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 市川 健二郎
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 134-138
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 内田 晶子
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 139-142
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新谷 忠彦
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 142-144
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新谷 忠彦
    1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 144
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 1973 年1973 巻3 号 p. 145-165
    発行日: 1973/11/12
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
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