The building of a modern state requires a modern educational system in order to produce the necessary numbers capable bureaucrats. This study examines the education of bureaucrats in Thailand, where a modern state was constructed after 1892 and nearly completed before 1932, using data obtained from official records of officials (samut prawat ratchakan) of the Ministry of Agriculture. This record includes 3022 officials who worked at the ministry during the two decades from 1921.
First, the background of the officials is analyzed in terms of education, place of birth, and father's occupation. As the record has no entry for father's occupation, it is only possible to ascertain whether or not an official's father was himself a commissioned official or not. It was found that 42% of officials were from Bangkok, and 25% were sons of commissioned officials. The officials were classified into three categories according to their education: (A) those with higher education overseas, (B) those with domestic higher (or tertiary) education, and (C) those with only primary or secondary education. Those in categories A and B numbered 91 and 130 respectively, which means that more than 90% of officials received only primary or secondary education. Of officials in categories A and B, 60% and 51%, respectively, were from Bangkok, and 68% and 36%, respectively, were sons of commissioned officials. These numbers are strikingly high in view of the fact that Bangkok at the time accounted for less than 7% of the total population, and commissioned officials less than 0.2% of the total male population.
Why were so many officials from Bangkok and sons commissioned officials? One of the most important reasons lay in the educational system, which prevented provincial boys and boys whose fathers were not officials from receiving a good education. First, secondary schools of the first rank were mainly located in Bangkok, including almost all of those providing upper secondary education (mathayom 7th and 8th grades). It was far more difficult for provincial boys to get a good secondary education than metropolitan boys.
Second, it was not difficult for those who could afford the expense of upper secondary education to receive higher education. However, higher education was much less meaningful than studying abroad for the promotion of officials. It was better, if possible, to become an official on graduating from secondary school than to spend a further three years or more in higher education. This accounts for the curious finding that although the cost of overseas education far exceeded that of domestic education, the number of officials in category B, 130, was only slightly higher than that of category A, 91.
Third, opportunities to study abroad were not equally available to all. Government scholarships were often given to those well connected with the king, ministers, or directorgenerals. This is why there were many sons of commissioned officials among those educated abroad.

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This article examines geographical arrangement and its changes via the administrative systems established by the Nanzhao _??__??_ and Dali _??__??_ kingdoms in Yunnan, with a view to shedding the new light upon the character and extent of rules excercised by those kingdoms.
To begin with, the Nanzhao kingdom had several jian _??_ as provinces in the central area. These jian were mainly established on the west coast of Lake Erhai _??__??_ and the river basins in the south of the Lake, where the royal Meng family _??__??_ and most of the ruling class families had their strongholds. The differences between the jian in appearing Man-shu _??__??_ and that in Xin-tang-shu _??__??__??__??__??__??_ reflect the dates of the original sources. Although some scholars say the word tan_??_, instead of jian, should be used as the name of the resulting system, the difference in usage of two words tells us that tan is a kind of common suffix for a river basin, not a homophone of jian as a province.
Secondly, on the periphery were jiedu _??__??_ and dudu _??__??_. The difference between jiedu and dudu is not so clear, but it should be pointed out that the directors of jiedu were Da-jun-jiang _??__??__??_, a title second in rank only to the prime ministers, Qing-ping-guan _??__??__??_ Regarding dudu, the sources say that the kingdom established a dudu for every ten thousand households, which is thought to be a kind of military draft system, such as Fubing-zhi _??__??__??_ in Tang China. The scale of military power, must also have something to do with jiedu and dudu as administrative institutions. On the other hand, jiedu and dudu were established on the major trade routes from the Erhai area to the four quarters. Especially from east to west, on the line around lat. 25°N, there are located many of the major river basins in Yunnan. It can be said that these trade routes formed a skeleton of the Nanzhao kingdom, with the river basins as their joints.
Under the Dali kingdom, jiedu and dudu were reconstructed as fu _??_. And some jian, began to be established around those fu. Those jian were settled by immigrants from the Erhai area, who brought administrative systems familiar to them. The directorships of fu and jian gradually came to be transmitted by inheritance, and they often rebelled against the power of the kingdom, which shows that fu had begun to operate autonomously. The time when fu and jian were established in the periphery was also the time when the Bai people _??__??_ and their culture was formed in the Erhai area. Immigrants diffused their culture to those areas leading to a condition for the rapid acceptance of the Han culture that would arrive in the next age.

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This article analyses from a standpoint of historical phonology the Sino-Vietnamese readings of more than 970 Chinese characters transcribed into roman characters with diacritics (now called quoc ngu orthography) in Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum, compiled by Alexandre de Rhodes in 1651.
First of all, the syllabic structure of Middle Vietnamese presented by Kenneth J. Gregerson in 1969 is examined in order to propose a more convenient one: C₁C₂VC₃/T.
As for the initial consonants, C₁ consonants such as/b/, /r/, /g/, and C₁C₂ clusters such as /tl/, /_??_l/, /ml/, /mj/, /bj/, /dj/, are not encountered in Sino-Vietnamese readings. On the contrary, C₁ consonant /t/ and C₁C₂ cluster /dw/ are mainly encountered in the Chinese-originated syllables. Considering this latter fact, two historical processes, /tl/→/t/ and /dj/→/z/, might be triggered or spured by the two phonological forms, /t/ and /dw/, that originated from Chinese elements. Particularly, concerning the second case, present /z/ still remained as /dj/ in the 17th century, and the semi-vowel /j/ may have occured as C₂ element in the syllabic structure. Chinese /*j/ (yi mu) was first transplanted into Vietnamese as /*j/ and then changed into /dj/ following the Vietnamese internal process. Meanwhile, Chinese also had /*jw/ as a labialized variant (he kou) of /*j/, which may have transformed into /*djw/ in 17th century Vietnamese, and is an unacceptable form in the syllabic structure of that period as well as today. Thereafter, in some words /j/ rather than /w/ survived as C₂, and in others /w/ rather than /j/ survived, as can be infered from the doublet readings of a single character in the 20th century (ex. _??_zij/zwεj). However, as the distribution of /w/ in the phonology of the 17th century was much wider than that of /j/, eventually /w/ overcame /j/ to trigger or spur the process /dj/→/z/.
As for rhymes, some system-internal changes of vowels can be deduced from our materials, including and (1)/i/→/e/, and (2)/u/→/_??_/. The phonological environment of process (1) is the occurance of /n/, /t/as C₃ element, while that of process (2) cannot be determined from our materials. Process (1) probably had taken such a long time to complete that some dialects of present times still preserve the older form. Moreover, it can be pointed out that some 17-19th century readings have exceptional ryhming patterns for the purpose of avoiding taboo over royal family names that still had standard readings in the 17th century.
Finally, concerning tone, the 17th century system in itself does not show any difference from that of the 20th century, but some syllables transcribed with the hoi tone in the present orthography had been written with the nga tone in the 17th century, and vice versa. This phonomenon might be evidence of an occuring change of pitch value between hoi and nga tones in the register oppositional system of the 17th century.

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The coup d'etat against Cambodian chief of state Norodom Sihanouk in March, 1970 marked a turning point in Cambodian history. This article examines its causes, process, and outcome in the context of the war in Vietnam. Using mainly Vietnamese sources and declassified U. S. materials, the author tries to explain the structural back ground of the coup.
After 1965, the Worker's Party of Vietnam (VWP) needed Chinese arms supplies via the Cambodian port of Sihanoukville due to an adequate supply via the Ho Chi Minh route to the southern theaters especially Nam Bo. The VWP tried to maintain good relations with Sihanouk and opposed the armed struggle policy of Pol Pot's Comunist Party of Cambodia (CPK) against Sihanouk regime.
United State military intelligence recognized the importance of the Sihanoukville arms route as shown by reconaissance operations into Cambodia, although the Johnson administration rejected any military operations there.
The Nixon administration feverd military intelligence angainst State Department and C. I. A.. The American military and diplomatic stalemate led toan aggressive policy towards the Sihanouk regime for its arms transfer to the Vietnamese liberation forces.
As late as January 1970, after Sihanouk had left Cambodia for medical treatment, the White House decided to hatch the coup. Sirik Matak, then acting prime minister of the Cambodian Government, and Lon Nol's younger brother Lon Non acted as agents of the White House. Even before the coup, they had closed the Sihanoukville armes route. After the coup, the Cambodian government severed it's relations with the VWP, and despite Chinese efforts to renew arms transfer for the Vietnamese, Lon Nol never changed his mind.
Nixon's aim for the coup was realized, but it's effects remained temporary. The VWP moved quickly to form an allignment between Sihanouk and Pol Pot, moving its southern main forces into Cambodia to link up with its logistic forces from Laos.
The U. S. failed to gain an advantage either in the battlefields or the negotiation table. As a result the CPK gained wide areas of support both inside and outside Cambodia. The VWP failed to evaluate Pol Pot's nature at that time, the only longterm effect of the U. S. political ambitious initiated coup and the VWP reaction was the unitnentional opportunities it offerd to Pol Pot's.

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The purpose of this article is to describe in concrete terms, the Molam Phifa as a practitioner of khong haksa, or the spiritual power to avoid affliction, an indigenous notion that has not been studied before, and thus to it approach the reality of practical religion in rural northeastern Thailand. The data collection was conducted in the region where one of the Molam Phifas lived, using mainly questionaries and in-depth interviews for 5 months in 1994.
Literally, Molam Phifa is a specialist in singing songs for Phifa (the Supreme Being) which is part of Thai-Lao peasant culture. Among the villagers, Molam Phifa is known as a ritual specialist, especially performing healing rituals by singing and dancing and Phifa possession of her body. It is reported that most of Molam Phifa are females and each has her own group of believers, gaining recruits who are cured in the healing rituals. Moreover, there are collective rituals held twice a year, when many believers gather at the Molam Phifa's house to make offerings to Phifa.
For the villagers, khong haksa is a notion of spiritual power against the evil or calamity which causes illness, and it subsumes the concepts of Buddhism and spirit belief, including various kind of things perceived as spiritual power, such as Phifa, tham, etc. In relation to Buddhism, there are not only many discourses from Buddhism, but believing and making offerings to khong haksa is also perceived as merit-making behavior.
Since the indigenous knowledge of Molam Phifa has innumerable diversity, it is necessary to consider the historical perspective of the area where it has developed. After examination the historical process of the village formation, it was found that when the villagers were faced the socio-cultural changes caused from “modernization, ” many had to change their occupations, which required them to go out of the village sphere. In this case, Molam Phifas served them, unfettered by village boundaries and kinship structure, by using their spiritual power different from the power of village guardian spirits or ancestral spirits which have their own spheres of protective power. In other words, this case study shows the process of becoming the center of the religious practice by reorganizing various religious factors in a local way, though lived in a village where the Buddhist temple was not the center of religious practice. This case also shows that khong haksa, or the indigenous notion of power, has been developed and succeeded, especially in Northeast Thailand, by high mobility of the population and a flexible kinship network, and recognized by the people as the supernatural power to protect kinship and social networks beyond village society or kinship groups. Consequently, the indigenous notion of power, like khong haksa, could be the key factor of dynamic construction and integration of Buddhism and spirit cults at the practice level.

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