Luce 氏の著書は甚だ勝れたものであるが, 漢籍としては蛮書と嶺外代答・諸蕃志を引用しているに過ぎないので, その他の漢籍資料によってこれを補ってみよう。
李根源氏の永昌府文徴, 方国鍮氏の宋史蒲甘伝補 (文史雑誌II. 11, 12) には〓鼎臣, 東原録の記事が引かれているが, これは誤で, この紀事は本来は張知甫の可書にみえている。宋代の史料として重要であるから全文を掲げる。そこには紹興丙辰 (6年, A. D. 1136) の大理国・蒲甘国の使者入貢の記載があり, 玉海 (巻153), 宋会要 (巻199蕃夷) にも関連記事がある。蒲甘は大理に対して附庸の関係と認められる。大理の使者に関して記されている彦賁という文字は官号である。宋代には大理国行程, 蒲甘国行程という本があったが, 後者は紹興年間には既に失われていた。崇寧5年(A. D. 1106) の蒲甘の入貢は Kyanzittha が大理の圧迫を受けて宋と結ぶ目的で派遣したと解されている。緬 (蒲甘) は崇寧2年 (A. D. 1103) 政和5年 (A. D. 1115) にも大理に入貢しており, 大理ではその頃高氏が政権を握っていた。大理の宋への入貢の様子 (A. D. 1115, 16) は宋史大理伝に記されているが, 湖南経由の陸路をとるもので, 海路によったものではない。大理では仏教が広く行われ, 金書, 金銀書の経文を宋に奉っているが, 大威徳経と伝えられているのは大威儀経の訛であろう。ニユーヨークのメトロポリタン博物館所蔵の大理文治9年 (A. D. 1118) の金書の維摩経は重要な史料である。ビルマ人は大理を Gandhala とよんでおり, また Tarup=Turks とは“唐土”を指し, Utibwa (梵語 Udaya, 日の出) は吐蕃が南詔に与えた王号“日東王”に当る。Pyumandhi, Physawhti は驃苴底に当り, man, saw (chao) は共に王を指す。南詔野史にみえる祖先神話には仏教信仰があると共にこれを東亜人類の祖先となしている。元と蒲甘との関係についても趙子元の賽平章徳政碑, 李源道の崇聖碑などの史料を参考すべきである。台湾中央図書館所蔵の緬旬諸夷考略は乾隆年間の精写本であるが, 注目すべき記載がある。

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Out of the many words meaning a village throughout medieval Vietnam, the use of xa draws the author's attention. While comparing hitherto unused Vietnamese manuscripts with other basic source materials, he makes the following points.
First, he believes that the term xa came into use prior to the fifteenth century after the villages termed hu'o'ng dong and trai had gone through the process of rearrangement. Second, he points out that where as the villages termed dông sách were furnished with greater autonomy, those termed xa fell under the direct rule by the Later Lê dynasty founded in 1418. Third, the decrease in number of xa villages corresponded with the appearance of the laws and ordinances for the purpose of controlling the constituent members of these villages in the hands of the central government. Fourth, in parallel with the decline of power toward the middle of the dynasty the number of xa villages either recovered or even surpassed its initial standard. Fifth and last, he asserts that during the later stage of the dynasty the newly established villages tended to be termed thôn and phu'ong instead of other names.
Although the author still thinks it premature to draw a simple conclusion from the above, he suggests that xa should not be regarded merely as a geographical term, but as one with an historical connotation, and that the governmental control over xa villages was not only reflected in its nature as the administrative villages, but also in their structure and the process of their formation. Provided that these statements prove reasonable, the author argues, the village community began achieving ever greater autonomy since the latter phase of the dynasty only through resisting the control on the part of the authorities. This process, he states, may serve as a key to the understanding of the cohesiveness and the solidarity peculiar to the Vietnamese village community. His task at hand, therefore, is to demonstrate these hypotheses by analyzing the change of other systems of village administration, especially that of the system of Công diên. Upon closing his remarks, he makes his acknowledgement with thanks to l'École Erançais d'Extrême Orient for authorizing him to use its invaluable manuscripts in the form of microfilms which have been sent to and are now preserved in the Toyo Bunko.

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The relation between Thailand and France in the 17th century reached its peak in September 1687, when the French squadron of six warships arrived in the Gulf of Siam to station troops in Bangkok. But early in 1688 King Narai, who had sought alliance with France became he had been threatened by Dutch commercial interests, became seriously ill. Many Siamese officials took part in the conspiracy of Phra Phetracha, who attempted to seize power. They accused Constance Phaulkon, a Greek favorite of King Narai, who was in close relationship with the French Jesuits.
At that time, there were four French groups in Siam. Besides the troops commanded by Marshall Desfarges and the Jesuits, there resided the French missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions and the servants of the French East India Company. There were as many French interests in Siam as the number of these French groups.
Faced with the newly developed situation, the French could not agree as to what kind of measures they should take. But we can say that the French as a whole took moves with the troops being the main motivating force. French officers and soldiers were all frightened at the unexpected disorder in Siam. They decided not to consent to the new authority, Phra Phetracha. Their fight at Bangkok Fort, often called the victorious defense, was, however, a desperate one. After the fight which took less than 20 days, the French garrison asked for withdrawal from Siam. The Siamese allowed their withdrawal and generously offered food and ships for carrying the troops by an agreement made both by the Siamese and the French. But the French broke the agreement, which caused the French missionaries left in Siam to endure hardships later on.
The incidents in 1688 are well known as the Revolution in Siam from many European accounts. Although the Europeans consider it as a revolution, it was not a revolution for the Siamese, for there was no change in the Siamese attitude toward the Europeans. The Siamese considered French friendship as the means of accumulating its wealth. For them, the French East India Company was the most important source in maintaining their relationship with France. During the fight at the French garrison in Bangkok, the Siamese kept friendly terms with the Company's agents and their hope to trade with the French did not cease after the revolution.
The aim of the French to have relationship with Siam was not exclusively commercial but also political and religious. In contrast with this multifarious, or rather confused interests of the French, it is clear that the Siamese concentrated their interests on the commercial aspects. In the negotiations with the French, the king himself as well as his officials showed their ability as capable merchants. The process of Phetracha's accession to the throne indicates other interesting features of the 17th-century Siamese state and its kingship.

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Indonesia consists of various ethnic groups each of which has developed its own social institutions as a community based on adat or customary laws. One of the examples can be seen in the clan system called marga in Batak Region and South Sumatra. The social institutions of Lampong District which the author is going to discuss also derived from this system.
This district was opened up around the fifteenth century by the Malay migrants from Central Sumatra. They continued to maintain the kinship structure they had held in their previous place of residence, until their society also came to be known for its marga system. It implied that the legitimacy of a clan chief was determined by his lineage in relation to the original settlers. His authority, however, was nothing more than that of primus inter pares.
It was against this background that Lampong fell under the rule of Bantam since the middle of the sixteenth century. The kingdom held sway over these clan chiefs, turning them into its poenggawa or government officials; it imposed on them the duty of delivering pepper for the purpose of securing its exclusive supply. Especially, the penjimbang mega or marga chiefs were those whom the kingdom furnished with much power like that of a feudal lord, and, in return, saw to it that they forced their populace to cultivate pepper. Nevertheless, the Bantamese attempt at strengthening the position of marg chiefs was utterly fruitless.
The intensified rule at the Bantamese in Lampong, however, caused some economic as well as social changes in the district. The predominant clan-consciousness prior to the conquest gave way to the increasing importance attached to the social relationship based on location rather than blood. In the southern coastal sub-districts where this trend was observed most conspicuously the clan system was replaced with that of bandaria headed by bandar or immigrant potentates by origin who formed a part of the administrative officialdom of Bantam. Even in other districts where the tendency was less obvious the naturally formed villages called tioeh tended to take over the functions previously performed by marga. This change was reflected in the newly introduced institution of pepadon or merit system under which the Bantamese government distributed honors, mostly in return for donation of money, to the Lampong chiefs in the form of a symbolic chair decorated with a pattern of dragons. The traditional clan chiefs used this system often as a means of “repurchasing” their social prestige in the past.
In general, the author sees in the course of Lampong history during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a gradual process of its emerging from the clan society tied to blood relationship.

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