A language cannot exist without the notion that “we” all speak the same unified language. This notion is conceptualized and formulated as part of a speaker's social identity, which may change as a result of a rearrangement of this notion. In this paper, we examine some articles about Vietnamese language in Tap chi Nam Phong (hereafter abbreviated as NP), which was one of the most influential journals in Vietnam in the 1920's. At that time, quoc-ngu (the Vietnamese writing system based on roman script) was rapidly gaining status as the official language of Vietnam, despite skeptical views from two strong linguistic hegemonies supporting more prestigious written languages: classical Chinese and French. In analyzing discourses on NP, the notion of a unified language can be seen, it is possible to observe the typical Vietnamese intellectual's attitude about language. This notion in turn can be transformed by their selection of national identity.
Since the general policy of NP was to protect and promote the “unique” Vietnamese culture and language, it insisted on the protection and enrichment of quoc-ngu still regarded as “patois” (vulgar language) by traditional literati. But this “uniqueness”, for the writers on The Journal, also included Chinese classical literature and ethics, and the writers were convinced that it was necessary for quocngu to be supported by the rich expressiveness of classical Chinese. In 1919, refuting Nguyen Hao Vinh who criticized NP for using numerous unfamiliar Chinese vocabulary, Pham Quynh, the chief editor of The Journal, noted that classical Chinese should be taught in Vietnam because it was not only China's own but the common literature of the “Orient”, including Vietnam, and that Chinese vocabulary should be used as an indispensable component of the Vietnamese language. He tried to transform the traditional view on language, that is, classical Chinese vs. patois, into a new contrast between Chinese vocabulary and the “vulgar” (non-Chinese and non-Western) one in the sole dignified Vietnamese, so that the existing prestige of classical Chinese could be directly absorbed by the “new” Vietnamese. Such a transformation of the notion of language was concealed by the terminology used in discourses on NP, where a new concept “Annamese” (tieng An Nam) was invented to refer the whole system (the existing term “patois” [tieng nom] was left for indicating the “vulgar” vocabulary), while the whole system, characters and vocabulary of classical Chinese were never distinguished at all. Such terminology enabled the writers to refer to the new contrast with the same terms as before under the assumption that the Vietnamese language had an uninterrupted tradition.
Interestingly enough, as for the notion of language of the writers on NP, only Chinese vocabulary was regarded as the core of “uniqueness” in the holified “Vietnamese language”, while Chinese characters were completely excluded. They insisted that Chinese characters should be instructed not in Vietnamese but in classical Chinese at public schools. Moreover, roman letters, which had originally been alien symbols, were integrated into the Vietnamese language without any questions. Both Chinese vocabulary and the “vulgar” one should be spelled with the same unified writing system, the writers believed, so that they might be blended into one unified quoc-ngu. In comparing such a notion with that of Japan and Korea, both categorized as being in the Chinese cultural sphere, a vast difference can be seen between these three examples. Japanese and Korean intellectuals generally paid attention to the distinction between scripts as the marker indicating their national identity, and each regarded Chinese characters in Japan and

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Up to the present time, most of the studies in Thai-Ch'ing relationships at the time of Rama I (reign 1782-1809) were conducted on the basis of classical Chinese documents. These studies were mainly interested in the commercial aspects of the bilateral relationships, and there was a remarkable tendency of ignoring the political problems which characterized the transitional period from Thonburi to the Rattanakosin dynasty. For this reason, I tried to utilize both Thai and Chinese documents to clarify 1) the process of Thai diplomacy caused by the dynastic change, and 2) the difference between Thailand and Ch'ing in regard to their consciousness about the dynastic change and the continuation of tributary relationships. The documents I used were Chronicle of Rama I and Royal Letters Rama I Granted to China (Nangsu Chaek.) on the Thai side, and Tach'ing shih-lu, Ming-Ching shih-liao, Ch'ing-tai wai-chiao shih-liao, etc on the Ch'ing side. The comparative analysis of those documents has revealed considerably the concrete process of Thai-Ch'ing diplomacy as the result of Rama I's accession, as well as the notable difference of opinions which existed between the two countries in terms concerning the legitimacy of Rama I' sovereignty and the importance of tributary relationships. It was also made clear that in spite of those facts, the Thai-Ch'ing relationships were maintained peacefully, thanks to the tampering of official diplomatic letters by the viceroy of Canton and Chinese merchants who intermediated between Thailand and Ch'ing.

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This paper attempts to assess the seance ritual in a Chinese temple in Singapore. I believe that Chinese temples are appropriate places for the practice of popular religion. In this regard I chose a Chinese temple to investigate the seance ritual. This study is based on field materials collected in a Hokkien temple in northern Singapore from November 1991 to December 1993.
What kinds of requests does the worshipper ask the spirit-medium during the seance? What is the age of those people who come to consult the spiritmedium? From the standpoint of popular religion, I would like to explain the circumstances under which certain Singaporeans, attend the seance ritual, while at the same time, I also will attempt to assess the general traits of clients and the contents of requests.
On the whole, many women who are above 40 years of age attended this seance. Most of them are married. They ask mostly questions about illness as well as personal questions involving themselves and their family. These questions are usually fielded on the behalf of other family members. The younger members of the family generally will not resort to the measure of consulting a temple medium. Hence, a generation gap exists between these married women and thier children. Why are they generally about 40?
To answer these questions, I use Igeta's approach. Those who are social inferiors have to obey a superior social power, so social inferiors are kept away from or sometimes totally excluded from authority. Hence, they do not have legitimate social power.
I think her argument reminds us of the social role of women in the seance because in the context of Chinese populer religion, supporting members of this Chinese temple who help in the seance ritual and attend their annual ritual, do not include or exclude women. Women are only permitted to attend the seance in order to consult the spirit-medium.
When those who are social inferiors want to acquire legitimate authority, they try to consult the spirit-medium. Dependence on the spirit-medium is due to the fact that the narrative of the spirit-medium is the same as that of the supernatural, i. e. the supernatural convey a sence of power via the spirit-medium to these women by means of the narrative. This form of annual power struggle gives them a false sense of authority, since the status quota of patriarchy remains.
In addition, dependence on the spirit-medium is enhanced by the fact that women lack an avenue of expressing their own problems within the social arena. For most of these women, sorcery in rationalised as the cause of their personal problems. The resort to the utilization of the seance ritual by women in the result of the exclusion of women in the public sphere.

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Muhammadiyah, which is a Muslim modernist organization in Indonesia was set up in Yogyakarta, the old capital of the Mataram kingdom, in 1912 by K. H. Ahmad Dahlan. The aim of this organization is to uphold and to uplift the Religion of Islam so as to create the true Islamic society. In addition to that, its activities include socio-educational movements, e. g., to build hospitals, clinics, and Muhammadiyah schools. Dahlan submitted the petition regarding the activities of Muhammadiyah to the Dutch colonial government. At first these activities were permitted only within the special region of Yogyakarta, and in 1921 the Dutch govenor-general gave the permission any where in the Dutch East Indies to Muhammadiyah.
Aceh, the northern area of Sumatra Island, was called “Serambi Mekkah (the Verandah of Mecca).” Muhammadiyah established two branches in Kutaraja and Sigli towards the end of 1920s. The former was capital of Aceh Islamic Kingdom, and the latter was a coastal city of the Malacca Strait. People in Minangkabau (West Sumatra) played an very important role in establishing these two branches in Aceh. Soetan Mansoer, one of Muhammadiyah leaders in Minangkabau, was sent to make the Muhammadiyah branch in these areas by the central board of Muhammadiyah in 1927. He succeeded in building up the Muhammadiyah branches in Kutaraja and Sigli. These branches were formally recognized by the central board in 1928.
In 1927 Teuku Muhammad Hasan became the first president of Muhammadiyah Kutaraja Branch. His father was a ruler of Glumpang Payung (Pidie Prefecture). When Hasan graduated from the Teacher's College (Kweekschool) in Bukittingi, he got a job in the Dutch local government in Kutaraja. As a president he struggled with some difficult problems to start on the right lines of Muhammadiyah movement in Kutaraja. One of his important activities for Muhammadiyah was to found Muhammadiyah H. I. S. (Dutch speaking native elementary school) in Kutaraja. This school was established in 1928 by the Muhammadiyah members in Kutaraja, and it started with 99 pupils who were from Aceh, Minangkabau, and Java. Muhammad Hasan took up his post as Muhammadiyah Consul (Muhammadiyah president of the Aceh region) (1930-35).
It was very hard to settle the Muhammadiyah branch in Sigli, because many problems occured between the members of Muhammadiyah there. In Particular, the conservative Muslim leaders in Sigli did not like the women members of Muhammadiyah who made up Aisjijah, women's organation of Muhammadiyah. The Aisjijah members in Sigli were called ‘Haji of 120 ketip (small money)’ which meant stingy Muslim women. They were also called the women who believed the new religion. But they were not defeated by these stubborn religious leaders in Sigli. Aisjijah members of Sigli succeeded in establishing Mushalla (women's prayer house) in 1928. It was a great success of Aisjijah movement in Sumatra.
The Muhammadiyah Branch in Sigli founded Muhammadiyah H. I. S. in 1930. This was a seven year elementary school which taught worldly subjects as well as religious ones. The curriculum of the first class was as follows: Islamic religion, Dutch, Indonesian language, mathematics, penmanship, drawings, music, and so on. The pupils of this school increased day by day, and it drew the attention of the public.
Although it is said that the Muhammadiyah movement in Aceh did not play an important role in the history of Muhammadiyah, the bad conditions surrounding the establishment of the Muhammadiyah branches in Aceh should be considerd. It is very important to understand the actual conditions of the Muhammadiyah movement in Aceh.
In July the 43st national congress of Muhammadiyah will be held in Aceh.

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This paper examines the form of the sittans, inquest records of the early Konbaung period and seeks to present a regional characterization of the Hanthawadi province.
The sittans ate the statements made by the myothugyis, hereditary headmen in charge of local jurisdictions called myo, in response to the king's interrogations. A sittan contains various information about local administration such as hereditary claim of the myothugyi, the boundary and population of the myo, and the customary revenues and services. Although the sittans have been treated as one of the important sources to reveal the administrative and economic aspects of precolonial society, there is little research which has focused on investigating the form and contents of the sources in detail. For further research relating to the sittans, a study based on the extensive use of these sources with exhaustive scrutiny will be required.
Having been ordered an inquiry into the situation of myos and villages by King Badon (Bawdawhpaya, r. 1782-1819), the local headmen submitted the sittans in the years of 1783-84 and 1802-03 respectively. “Sittan of Hanthawaddy thirty-two towns, B. E. -45, -64”, which are preserved in the National Library, Yangon and are available on microfilm from the Toyo Bunko, contains twenty six sittans of twenty two myos of Hanthawadi province in southern Burma. In order to arrange and compare the statements of each sittan, a table which consists of broad nine items was made. The items are A) date and headman's name; B) hereditary claim of the headmen; C) boundary of the myo; D) sources of revenue; E) judicial fees; F) population of the myo; G) history of Hanthawadi thirty two myos; H) situation of Rangoon port; and I) situation of Ranmawadi myo
The form of the Hanthawadi sittans came to be classified largely into two types. One is the sittan whose statements are limited to such items as the date and the headman's name, the headman's claim to office and the boundary and population of the myo. This type of sittan was submitted by fourteen myos which were situated along the river of the Pegu, the Ngamoyeik, or the Hlaing. Also, five of these sittans report that the myos were reorganized with the appointment of the headmen. The other is the sittan which gives details of reckoning the taxes and the additional charges which are the perquisite of the local officials. They also mention that the taxes collected are delivered to Toungoo where the crown granary was placed. This type of sittan was submitted together seven myos which were located near Toungoo in the Sittaung basin. The other five sittans could not be classified clearly into specific types, but among them it has been shown that Hanthawadi myoma (Pegu) and Ranmawadi myo (Arakan) had the role of provincial centers in the region respectively.
Supposing that we regard the inquest as the ruler's policy of asserting effective control over the resources of the country, it is found that the myos which were situated along the river of the Pegu, the Ngamoyeik, or the Hlaing had been made little contribution, except manpower, to the financial resources of the state. Reorganizing myos seems to reflect the fact that these myos had been in the process of restoration from the devastation brought by the war preceding the rise of Konbaung Dynasty. On the other, the myos which were located in the Sittaung basin had more contact with Toungoo rather that with Hanthawadi myoma.
They may have been little damaged by the war, for their sittans retain detailed descriptions about assessing the customary revenue and additional charges.

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