The custom of
otaue (rice-planting festival) in the Chugoku region has often been described in Japanese folklore studies and historical studies on Japanese performing arts. In the former, this custom has either been treated as what remains of traditional rice planting in Japan or as a typical ritual for the autumn harvest. In the latter, it has been emphasized as a means of clarifying preliminary steps toward the establishment of
dengaku (traditional dance). Research on
otaue has been driven by such academic interest and numerous studies have been conducted in line with these concepts. Despite the large number of research papers, however, only a few deal with the relationship between local communities and
otaue. Most focus on the problems related to
otaue itself, its style of worshipping the gods, or its performance.
Building on the awareness of these issues, the author researched a specific example of
otaue held in Hattori, Saijo village, in the period between the Taisho Era and the prewar Showa Era and analyzed it with regard to the relationship between
otaue and local communities. It was attempted to elucidate the following two points: 1) the social foundations of
otaue; and 2) the meanings of this custom for local communities. This was done through a consideration of such detailed variables in the holding of
otaue as timing, motivation, and order of the ceremony and through analyses of the social situations surrounding farming households and cattle dealers/merchants who were involved in the ceremony.
The conclusions can be summarized as follows.
1) In Hattori, the economic dominance of the head families (old families) was gradually declining throughout the Meiji–Taisho period. In the process, the traditional social environment in which a specific farming household held
otaue and invited other inhabitants of the region to participate in it was weakening.
2) On the other hand, the social influence of cattle dealers/merchants who lived in Hattori increased at around the same time. This change was caused by factors such as the development of the livestock industry from the Meiji period, absence of nearby markets for mature cattle, and popularization of cattle tenancy with cattle dealers/merchants as holders. Cattle dealers/merchants were central in the distribution system of livestock and thus achieved the social standing of cattle-raising chiefs.
3) To raise funds for farmers who were going bankrupt,
otaue were held by cattle merchants who had commercial relations with them. Therefore, some important characteristics were present in the ceremony for economic reasons,
i.e., to minimize the hosting expenses and to maximize the contribution from the participants in
otaue. Auctions featuring a parade of cattle and the informal holding of
naorai (banquet with the gods after the ceremony) are good examples.
4) The meaning of
otaue varied according to the position of each participant. However, due to the relationship with the livestock industry, coupled with the system of cattle tenancy,
otaue functioned as mechanisms to stabilize the productivity of livestock in this area.
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