The last references to Funan are included in Yijing’s Memoire (Datang xiyu qiufa gaoseng zhuan) and Record (Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan), both written in 691 at Shilifoshi (Srivijaya) or Palembang. Memoire mentions Yilang came from Wulei, northern shore of the Gulf of Tonkin to Funan and changed ship here to Langjiashu (Langkasuka) or Pattani. His visit to Funan was most probably in about 670. Record mentions that a wicked king destroyed the Buddhism of Funan completely. The king may be Jayavarman I (r. c.657-c.681) or his successor. Funan seems to have disappeared not long after 691.

Shilifoshi was founded in the Mekong delta area in the 660s (or 650s). It soon developed into a potent maritime state, probably under the support of Funan. Shilifoshi sent its first tributary mission to Tang during the Xianheng period (670-674). Yijing on his way to India stayed here from the end of 671 for 6 months to study Sanskrit grammar. The king of Shilifoshi supported his stay and study enough and sent him to Moloyu (Melayu) or Palembang. Yijing stayed here for two months, he then sailed to Jiecha (Kedah), then to Danmolidi (Tamralipti) or Tamluk, India where he arrived in 673. Yijing seems to be deeply attached to Funan and Mekong delta area where he sojourned in 671-672.

While he was in India, in 682 Srivijaya made a great expedition to conquer Palembang where it established new capital (Kedukan Bukit inscription). The capital may be dualistic, main capital at Telaga Batu or Sabokingking in the east and sub capital at Seguntang or Melayu in the west.

On the return voyages of Yijing from India to China, when he arrived at Jiecha in 686 this country had been subjugated by Shilifoshi. Then he arrived at Moloyu in 687 to find that this had become the capital of Shilifoshi. Now Moloyu and Shilifoshi were one and the same place, and he stayed here for many years. In 689 he made a return voyage to Guangzhou. In 691 he sent Memoire and Record to China. At the end he returned to Guangzhou in 694.

This paper aims to examine how the relationship between the autonomy of different legal systems and the adjustment of disparities among them evolved in a society where multiple legal systems coexist, through the Islamic family law reform in Singapore during the decolonization period.

A plural legal system refers to a legal order in which multiple legal systems coexist with a society and are not unified under national law. Typically, it refers to a colonial legal order in which a national legal system based on Western law is introduced by a colonial state, while indigenous law based on local customs and religion continue to exist. In the legal development during the decolonization period, it was necessary to adopt the colonial legal system as the foundation for state law, while simultaneously balancing the pluralistic situation in which religious law and customary law coexisted. This meant that the power relationships within each legal system and the rights gaps between legal systems were preserved. Since indigenous law generally pertains to family law, a typical example of the issue arising from these disparities is the subordinate status of women under male-dominated family structures and the degree of its elimination.

Regarding this issue, this paper presents the case of Singapore during the decolonization period. In Singapore, as social reconstruction and reorganization progressed after the Asia-Pacific War, the improvement of women’s social status was pursued through family law reform. In a pluralistic legal environment, Islamic family law reform was started first in 1950s, but with the enactment of the Women’s Charter, the first uniform family law for non-Muslims, in 1961, the Muslim community faced the issue of rights disparities with the Women’s Charter. This paper analyzes the process and discourse surrounding Islamic family law reform since the 1960s and traces how the competing demands — to fill the rights gaps with the Women’s Charter and that to maintain the autonomy of Islamic family law — culminated in the Administration of Muslim Law Act of 1966.

This process in the early 1960s was parallel to the process of the formation of Malaysia and Singapore’s independence, and the examination of this paper is also significant in that it sheds light on part of the social vision of the Muslim community in Singapore during this transitional period by showing that Singapore’s Islamic family law reform is the result of pioneering discussions that incorporated trends in family law reform across Muslim regions, with the intention of leading the Islamic family law reform in Malaysia.

This study examines how Peranakan Indians (localised Indian Hindu migrants) have established their group among the ethnic categories defined by the Malaysian Government, aiming to identify the generative principles of a group that remains inclusive of diversity.

Previous studies indicate that the group has faced challenges due to the loss of land and temples resulting from financial difficulties, urban migration and assimilation into major ethnic groups through intermarriage with non-Peranakan Indians. Despite these challenges, the Peranakan Indians, who do not converge with the major ethnic groups, continue to exist as a distinct group and have even increased their social and cultural standing. The aim of this study is to examine the dynamic process by which the Peranakan Indians has come to exist up to the present day. In doing so, it seeks to identify the underlying generative logic of a group that embraces diversity. A multifaceted analysis focusing on its organizational structure, land, and temples was conducted through field research in Malaysia.

The findings indicate that the Peranakan Indians have been formed in response to changing times, initially by caste and then by differentiating/being differentiated from others by criteria such as immigration period and birth. They gradually foster the bond by sharing temples and land. As more members have migrated away from shared land, efforts have been made to strengthen ties through origin. By embracing diversity through the inclusion of newcomers in communal land and temples, the group has gained access to a broader pool of resources, knowledge, skills, and values, while challenges arising from increased diversity have been managed through democratic organizational structures. In essence, the Peranakan Indian community's existence is a fruit of overlapping pluralistic elements such as shared origins, land, and religion, which embrace diversity, with democratic organizations playing a central role.

This paper explores the process through which Tai Yai youth, who migrated from Shan State, Myanmar, to the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, reconstruct their self-identity through participation in festivals, and discusses the significance of their gathering at these festivals. In previous research, annual events held by migrants in their host countries have been seen as opportunities for them to reaffirm their shared ethnic identity and create a common sense of belonging. However, through the case of the Tai Yai New Year Festival, it has become clear that contemporary festivals do not simply serve to reaffirm one’s Tai Yai identity, but also bring to light the differences among Tai Yai youth based on their migration backgrounds and experiences.

Moreover, in recent years, modern commercial events targeting Tai Yai youth have been organized by members of the host society. However, the current participants are still predominantly Tai Yai, and it was revealed that they themselves recognize that Tai Yai culture is enjoyed and consumed within the Tai Yai community. On the other hand, at festivals that are not exclusive to the Tai Yai but are open to the public, Tai Yai youth sometimes take on roles as performers. In such settings, their awareness of presenting their Tai Yai identity to the host society becomes evident. Their ethnic identity as Tai Yai is reconstructed not only through participation in Tai Yai-specific festivals and annual events but also through involvement in general festivals, where they navigate the boundaries of self and other in their interactions with the host society.

This paper seeks to elucidate the content and distinctive characteristics of the Nine Emperor Gods Festival in Singapore, which is part of the broader worship of the Nine Emperor Gods, observed in Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. In 2016, the National Heritage Board of Singapore allocated a research grant for this Nine Emperor Gods Festival as a cultural heritage project, and since that in recent years, there has been a noticeable increase in the number of temples conducting these rituals, with their religious practices receiving extensive coverage in newspapers and other media outlets. In Singapore, where there are relatively strict regulations on religious rituals or events that generate loud noises within the city, a ritual to welcome the gods was conducted openly on the beach during the night. Although it was reported in the media and shared on social media, it did not incite significant controversy over ‘noise pollution,’ unlike other similar rituals.

This paper examines the ritual structure of the Nine Emperor Gods Festival in Singapore and highlights an instance of the ritual’s flexible and diverse development, using a temple (Xuan Wu Shan Han Lin Yuan Qing Nang Lao Yu Lou Chun, XWS) as a case study to illustrate its distinctive characteristics. XWS stands out from other temples due to its unique practice of women carrying a palanquin designed after a three-tiered temple. Additionally, the temple’s origins are rooted in a theatrical troupe, further distinguishing it from others. The Nine Emperor Gods Festival rituals are observed from the 1st to the 9th day of the ninth lunar month and encompass ceremonies to welcome the gods at the shore and to send them off to sea. During this period, participants adhere to a strict vegan diet and observe a dress code of white shirts and white trousers. Temples also conduct rituals, such as the Crossing of the Blessing Bridge, to ward off misfortune and to invoke blessings for good fortune. Among these rituals, XWS displays three distinctive characteristics: First, while XWS rituals exhibit strong Buddhist elements, they remain rooted in folk beliefs, as the ceremonies are not led by professional religious figures. Second, the temple’s unique identity is linked to its origins in an opera troupe. Third, the practice of drawing lots for the Nine Emperor Gods is also observed, further distinguishing its rituals.

Research on the Nine Emperor Gods Festival in Singapore is still in its early stages, and numerous aspects remain to be further explored.