Soseki’s novels “Rondon-to” and “Karairu-hakubutsukan” for which he used materials taken from his experiences in Europe, have already been analysed in some detail by scholars. Also, the definite influence of European paintings has been pointed out, especially in “Kairoko”.

　In addition, investigations of facts, such as research on his old lodgings, have accumulated in recent years. Thus, theories of his works are mere theories of the texts, and their relationship to painting and biographical facts are raised independently. Therefore, these studies tend to be left separate from each other. Surely there is a way of looking at them which would unite the separate factors. Here I have searched for the inner workings of the relationship between his European experiences and his activities as a writer, by establishing his self-expression from a universal viewpoint, while concentrating on “Eijitsushohin”， which until now has not attracted very much attention from scholars.

　Whatever aspects one considers ——such as the criticism of civilization which forms the heart of his subject material; the themes; the dialectic thoughts based on contradictory elements; the choice of the genres, or the layering of keywords like “cloud” and “mist”—— if Soseki had not had his experience in Europe, his birth as a writer would not have taken place. Moreover, concerning the start of his writing and its development, I have confirmed the link between his European experience and his later activities as a writer.

　With the exception of ‘Dai-Ichi-Ya’ or ‘The First Night’，in which the goal of ‘waiting’ is fulfilled, until now the overall theme of “Yume-Jū-Ya” or “Dreams of Ten Nights” has been construed as‘waiting in vain’. In this paper I will attempt a refutal of former studies on the subject, and redefine the story’s theme.

　Some scholars contend that “Yume-Jū-Ya” was written as a ghost story. Likewise, while numerous Chinese short stories of the Six Dynasties and of the Tang Dynasty, as well as some which appear in Liaozhaizhiyi, are considered rebirth stories, they are also classified as ghost stories.

　Each of the two characters in ‘Dai-Ichi-Ya’ makes a promise: the woman vows to return in one hundred years, and the man promises to wait for her. A similar scene appears in Liaozhaizhiyi’s “Liansuo” in which setting a fixed time, and a promise to wait, are considered necessary conditions for rebirth. Hence, if the living person in the pact does not wait for the dead person, the latter cannot carry out the promise to return.

　In ‘Dai-Ichi-Ya’，the man doubted the woman’s words，and yet when the lily appeared he took it to be the fulfillment of the promised return. In the work, the return did not symbolize the last step of her rebirth, but rather the end of their love affair. They meet again, only to separate. Meeting is separating, and thus the story ends with an ironic paradox. Therefore，the theme of “Yume-Jū-Ya” may be defined as ’wishes that fall short of expectations’.

　The title of Akutagawa Ryunosuke’s novel “Jigokuhen” supposedly refers to the Jigokuhen screen which appears in the novel. The “hen” in the word “Jigokuhen” is derived from the word Hensō, a term for a kind of Buddhist painting based on the sutra, popular during the Tang Dynasty. In Akutagawa’s novel, the painter Yoshihide paints, on the Jigokuhen screen, a scene in which his daughter is burned to death in a cart, This screen, however, is seen to differ from the authentic Hensō, in that the sinners in hell are not painted naked, as was the usual practice, but dressed as they were when alive, and that small figures of Jūō are placed in the corners of the screen ― an anachronism when one considers that the Jigokuhen screen was a Buddhist painting of the Heian era, and that Jūō worship only began in the Kamakura period. We may detect, in this departure from tradition on the part of Akutagawa, an attempt to express his belief that “life is more hellish than hell itself” ― an important theme for Akutagawa the writer.

　Although the screen painted by Yoshihide in the novel cannot thus be rightly defined as an authentic Jigokuhensō, the style of the novel itself, in which the narrator in the first person relates the story of the Jigokuhen screen, can be likened to the Hensō Henbun, the chanted narration accompanying a Hensō painting. It is therefore possible to view the novel as Jigokuhenbun, a kind of Hensō Henbun.

　Akutagawa’s interest in the treatment of hell in literature may have been aroused by a series of tanka in Saito Mokichi’s Shakkō, as well as by Dante’s Divine Comedy, of which a copy of the English translation, with notes made in Akutagawa’s handwriting, has been found among his books.

　Another possible influence on Akutagawa’s “Jigokuhen” is the boom in the study of Dunhuang art among Japanese academics at the time the novel was written. Akutagawa’s enthusiasm for Dunhuang painting and calligraphy, and his friendship with Matsuoka Yuzuru seem to attest to this fact, especially when we consider Akutagawa’s belief; “Art is like women. To appear at its most beautiful, the spiritual atmosphere of an age must be attired in the latest fashion.”

　We can conclude, therefore, that Akutagawa gave his novel the eye-catching title of “Jigokuhen”, in order to give it an attire of classical style, Buddhist art, and aestheticism.

　Sakutaro Hagiwara adopte la forme de l’aphorisme à l’époque de la création poétique d'Aboyant à la lune et du Chat bleu. Ce sont Les Nouveaux désirs et les autres aphorismes; ils soutiennent littérairement l'âme malade du poète qui souffre de la formation de son moi. On y trouve la critique de la littérature et de la vie en général. L’aphorisme a pour signification de reconstruire la réalité dont la poésie fait abstraction en exprimant exclusivement l'ego dans son effondrement.

　Le style de L' Ile gelée diffère complètement des anciens recueils de poèmes. Sakutaro y ajoute une forte volonté à l'aide de vieux mots. Les désirs du Chat bleu sont réprimés par la morale sociale, mais L' Ile gelée atteint l'objectivité de la compréhension au moyen du dépassement des réflexions sur le passé et des passions intérieures. Ce recueil de poèmes qui exprime l'évasion d'une mélancolie se classe dans le groupe d'aphorismes intitulé La Justice de la fausseté, mais pas dans l'ancien recueil de poèmes Le Chat bleu.

　Sakutaro éprouve de la sympathie pour Baudelaire qui ne s’abandonne pas à l’imagination excessive et qu’il considère comme poète des 《remords》. Sakutaro dit:《Comme Baudelaire，je ne consens à aucune vie qui exclurait les remords.》 La découverte d’un même poète souffrant de l'angoisse de la vie serait le soutien suffisant pour comprendre que ses sentiments sont universels. Sakutaro écrit dans L'Ile gelée:《Regardez! La vie est une faute.》Ce vers montre sa volonté affirmative qu’il faut que la vie soit une faute. L’affirmation de la faute provient de l’esthétique des remords de Baudelaire. Son art poétique de l'ironie qui exprime la vie pleine de douleur transforme Sakutaro en poète de L' Ile gelée qui affirme vigoureusement les remords de la vie.

　As one of many Chinese students who came to Japan after the Russo-Japanese war, Li Shu-tong(1880-1942) published the Little Music Magazine in the spring of 1906. In this paper, I will attempt to explain how and why the magazine was born in Japan, and to shed light on Li’s relationship with Meiji Japan.

　At the end of 1905，Li was planning to publish a commentary magazine which was to include commentary on music with his contemporaries in Tokyo. It is not hard to suppose that the leaders or members of the music circle consisting of Chinese students in Tokyo would participate in Li’s venture. The title of the circle was “Yinyuejiangxihui” and later “Yayayinyuehui”. Yonejiro Suzuki，a Japanese professor of music, was also invited to their study meeting. Learning European music from Suzuki, the students later became music teachers and school song writers in China.

　But in December 1905, against the regulations issued by the Japanese Education Ministry, some of Li’s friends returned to China. Li was thus left to publish the magazine by himself.

　From the songs Li wrote, and other articles in this magazine, his yearning to recall the national spirit of the Chinese people is obvious. In response to Meiji Nationalism, Chinese Nationalism grew.

　This magazine also holds interest as a translation magazine; it contains three articles by Japanese writers, each of them translated by Li. Li also inserted two sketches of Japanese artists-twenty years later the same style can be identified in Feng Zi-kai’s work. Feng was Li’s student and his drawings eventually became popular in China.

　The earliest music magazine in China, the Little Music Magazine was actually printed in Meiji Japan. During that period, many books about music were published in Japan by Chinese students. Thus, we may say that at the end of the Ching Dynasty, China imported European music via Japan.

　During the New Culture Movement, many Chinese intellectuals like Feng zi-kai followed the path that Li had pioneered and, in that sense, the Little Music Magazine may be considered as one of the resources of the Chinese New Culture movement.

　Organe d'une école littéraire formée parmi les jeunes écrivains tels que Mushanokôji Saneatsu, Shiga Naoya, Arishima Takeo, Yanagi Sôetsu etc., la revue mensuelle Shirakaba (avril 1910-août 1923) joua un rôle déterminant dans la vie littéraire et artistique du Japon moderne. Il est presque coutume de constater que les derniers courants artisitques en Europe, et en particulier le Post-Impressionnisme, ont été introduits au Japon grâce à la revue Shirakaba.

　De nombreuses études ont déjà été consacrées à cet aspect et il semble rester peu de choses à ajouter: les chercheurs se mettent presque unanimement d’accord à la fois sur la mérite et la limite de cette revue. Tout en suscitant l’exaltation de la jeune génération pour l’expression artistique qui se voulait subjective, individualiste et émancipatrice, la revue se montrait incapable d’établir une perspective historique et objective dans son “absorption” des dernières informations venant de l’Occident. La juxtaposition des articles sur le “Neu-idealismus” allemand, l’Impressionnisme et le Post-Impressionnisme en matière d'art laisse soupçonner un “saut” logique (Honda Shûgo), une confusion cognitive au profit de l'engouement personnel (Takumi Hideo), ou bien encore, le manque total de conscience historique à proprement parler (Takashina Shûji).

　Dans notre étude, nous allons tenter de réfuter—ou rectifier au moins— cette idée-reçue en restituant la revue dans le contexte mondial et contemporain. Ce travail consiste à démontrer (1)qu’une telle “perspective historique” n’existait pas encore—ou à peine—même en Europe lors de La Première Exposition du “Post-Impressionnisme” organisée par Roger Fry à Grafton Gallaries à Londres en 1910 (dont Yanagi Sôetsu a tiré des informations), (2) que l’exploitation abusive à laquelle se livrait Arishima Ikuma en 1910 d’un texte sur Cézanne, écrit par Théodore Duret, montre clairement la “conscience historique”, sinon la prédilection tendancieuse, de l'école Shirakaba et (3) que le fait que Yanagi se référait fidèlement à la définition exorbitante du Post-Impressionnisme donnée dans un livre hétéroclite d’un Lewis Hind: The Post- lmpressionist Painters (1911), comme unique source accessible pour la rédaction de son article en 1913, justifie sa “compréhension”—autrement fantaisiste— du Post-Impressionnisme: quoiqu'elle paraisse hérétique à nos yeux, la définition individualiste et quasi-expressionniste de Hind se trouvait—par une coïncidence—parfaitement compatible avec la Cause de l'école Shirakaba, contribuant au “malentendu” et à la “déviation” dont les chercheurs ne cessaient de la taxer jusqu’ici.

　This thesis discusses how the Siberian Railway, including its last section the Chinese Eastern Railway which crosses Manchuria, influenced the Japanese image of Siberia and Manchuria, both of which were, for the first time, been grasped to be one geographical space as nothern frontiers in Morishige Kondo’s Henyobunkai-Zuko (Studies of Unchartered Frontiers, 1804).

　The influence of the Siberian Railway upon the Japanese image of Siberia and Manchuria appeared in three stages corresponding to the following three symbolic events during its construction (in each case with a delay between the event and its influence on the image held in Japan): firstly, the inauguration of the construction of Siberian Railway begun with the formal groundbreaking ceremony of the Woosley Line at Vladivostok in 1891; secondly, the commencement in 1897 of the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway which crossed Manchuria; and thirdly, the completion of the reconstruction of the Chinese Eastern Railway in the fall of 1901, two-thirds of which had been destroyed during the Boxer Rebellion in 1900.

　The first influence came from the existence of the Siberian Railway itself under construction. That is to say, the Siberian Railway aroused various fears and dreams in the Japanese people. One of them was the possibility of a sudden military threat from Russia. Another was the expectation that Japan would become the “crossroads” of world traffic, and then the center of the Eastern and Western civilizations.

　The second influence appeared in the form of a shift in the Japanese image of the nothern frontiers from Siberia to Manchuria. An important factor which helped cause this shift was Heiriku Ogoshi’s ManshuRyoko-ki (Travels in Manchuria, 1901). In this book Ogoshi, who journeyed throgh Manchuria in 1898 and 1899, described in detail the Russian advance to Manchuria, the representations of which were the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway and the establishment of the Russian city of Harbin.

　The third influence appeared in the form of numerous accounts of Siberia and Manchuria which began to be published in magazines and travel books following the reconstruction of the Chinese Eastern Railway in 1901. In these accounts the image of Manchuria as “Fertile Land” was deliberatedly strengthened. It was in this way, then, that image of a future suitable colony of Japan began to be stressed.

　ポスト植民地主義文芸批評は、文学に表象された植民者と被植民者が、男性と女性の二項対立の構図となっていることが多い、と指摘している。これはミシェル•フーコーが、西欧が歴史的に「女体のヒステリー化」を推進してきた、とする論と呼応する。すなわち女性は非理性的•ヒステリー的で自分を制御できないので、理性的な男性の支配が必要であるとした論理が、そのまま植民地支配の正当化に適用され、被植民者は女性のように非理性的で自分を統治できないから、男性的理性をもった西欧の教化と保護（実は支配）が必要なのだ、とするものだった。

　ラフカディオ•ハーンは、その生い立ちの影響もあって、帝国主義•植民地主義に強い反感を抱いていた。来日当座の印象記『日本瞥見記』においては、西欧の男性にもてあそばれ捨てられた日本女性が日本の社会からも疎外されているのを見て、ハーンは西欧と日本から二重に植民地支配された彼女に誠心から同情している。だがハーンの晚年は、日本自体が植民者としての野望を東アジアに向けはじめた時代でもあり、ハーンは日本を植民者と被植民者の両面から理解しなければならなかった。それでも最晚年の著作『日本　一つの試論』においては、「祖先と男性に服従するように作られた」日本女性の「自己犠牲」の精神こそが、日本人の美と道徳性の基となってきたとし、日本女性を国家の道徳的表象ととらえている。そして、西欧的近代社会は（日本も含めて）、自己中心の侵略と競争をやめ、この日本女性の道徳的理性を範とすべきだと言う。つまり、フーコーの論の「ヒステリー化された女体」とは正反対の精神性を、日本女性に見たのである。

　だがハーンは日本女性の「自己犠牲」は強要されたものであるという実態には全くふれず、西欧に自分の意見を示す道具として日本女性を使ったのである。その点においては、ハーンは皮肉にも、あれほど称賛した日本女性を「植民地支配」したと言ってよいだろう。

　Living in Tokyo, written by Katharine Sansom, wife of the famous Japanologist, Sir George Sansom, and published in London in 1936, was illustrated by Marjorie Nishiwaki. Her 41 illustrations depict admirably the daily life of the ordinary Japanese people of the early Showa Era. Little is known about her; therefore, this article is an attempt to recount her life in Japan through her activities and drawings.

　She was born in London in 1901 and died in a small village in England in 1988. Her passion was to draw, and she continued to draw all her life. When she was studying art in London, she met Junzaburo Nishiwaki. They got married in 1924. She accompanied Nishiwaki when he returned to Japan in 1925. In 1932 they were divorced but she continued to live in Tokyo until the Second World War broke out.

　In Japan, she presented her pictures at the Nikakai exhibition every fall. She illustrated several books and magazines, including 4 volumes of Modern Plays of the World. She taught English at Bunkagakuin school.

　Different from her husband whose interest was totally directed toward European culture, she was eager to learn and appreciate things Japanese. She enjoyed traditional Japanese plays and music. Judging from her illustrations in Living in Tokyo, she seems to have been influenced by Japanese-style ink painting and Ukiyoe-prints. Her warm and compassionate drawings of the Japanese show her attraction to the simple and peaceful life of the ordinary Japanese people.