Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 17, Issue 1
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
  • Keiko OTA
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 1-20
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Hikari EGAWA, İlhan ŞAHİN
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 21-31
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    XIX. yuzyilin ortalarinda Bati Anadolu'da Balikesir civarina yerlestirilen Yagci Bedir Yurukleri, esasinda yay imal etmelerinden dolayi "Yaycilar" adi ile bilinmekte idiler. Ancak bunun zamanla halk agzindaki soyleyisle "Yagci" adina donustugu ve bu bakimdan kendilerine "Yagci Bedir Yurukleri" denildigi anlasilmaktadir. Tarihi belgelere yansimamasina ragmen, bunlarin ekonomik bakimdan daha cok halicilikla sohret bulduklarini soylemek lazimdir. Halen bu gun de devam eden halicilik yaninda, hayvanciligin dahi bunlarin ekonomisinde onemli bir yeri vardi. Ancak zamanla Yagci Bedir Yurukleri'nin bir yerlesme sureci icerisine girdikleri, hatta XIX. yuzyilin ortalarinda mecburi iskana tabi tutulduklari ve buna bagli olarak bazi mensuplarinin ziraatle ugrasmaya basladiklari gorulmektedir. Bunlarin bu ziraat hareketleri cercevesinde iskana tabi tutulmasi arastirmamizin sonunda ortaya konulacak hususlar arasinda yer almaktadir.
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  • Khairy Douma
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 33-57
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Ali Essam EL-SHAZLY
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 59-96
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Masami NISHINO
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 97-121
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The social theory of Sayyid Qutb Sayyid Qutb is one of the most famous Islamic thinkers of twentieth-century in Egypt. Because of Qutb's importance as an Islamic thinker, most researchers concern themselves with only his Islamic thought, despite the fact that he had already been a prolific writer before he became an Islamic thinker. As a result, a comprehensive picture of his ideas has not yet been fully drawn. In this paper I examine a series of articles on social problems that Qutb wrote in the first half of the nineteen-forties (that is, before he became an Islamic thinker), and clarify the three stages of his work: the non-Islamic stage, the early Islamic stage, and finally, the radical Islamic stage. As a result of this analysis, two points come to light. First, until he became an Islamic thinker, Qutb was a totalitarian rather than a liberalist as is generally believed. His discriminatory attitude toward the homeless, for example, suggests that he was not at all a liberal thinker. Second, although his ideas are often divided into his non-Islamic and Islamic periods, there are striking similarities between his non-Islamic and Islamic social thought. Furthermore, there are significant differences between his early Islamic thought and his radical Islamic thought, which suggests the need for a recategorization of his ideas.
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  • Kota SUECHIKA
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 123-153
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    While Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865-1935) is widely perceived as an Islamic reformer who greatly contributed to the theoretical development of the so-called Islamic revivalism today, many scholars debate that he also had aspects as a Arab and Syrian nationalist in either concordance with or contradiction to his Islamic trait, because of his active commitment to the Arab and Syrian independence movements in the Interwar period. (In this paper, "Syria" does not indicate Syrian Arab Republic, but al-sham / bilad al-sham, the region composed by "the Lesser Syrias" such as Republican Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine/Israel, and parts of Iraq and Turkey.) These multiple fractionalised perceptions of Rashid Rida seem to arise from the fact that the methodological approach towards the study of Rida has from 1960s onwards been divided into the two tracks; the study of Islamic political thought and historiography (particularly on the Arab nationalist movements). There is no doubt that this methodological estrangement became conspicuous with the rise of secular nationalism in the 1950-60s Arab Middle East. As a result, only few attempts have so far been made at Rida's commitment to the Syrian independence movements. The aim of this paper, therefore, is (1) to explore Rashid Rida's political thought and activities concerning the Syrian independence movements in the Interwar period (e.g. the Ottoman Decentralisation Party and Syrian Union Party), to which little attention has been given, and (2) to reconsider the said established understanding and methodological approach towards Rashid Rida from the "third" point of view.
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  • Kosuke KIGA
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 155-179
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Makoto MIO
    Article type: Article
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 181-200
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    It is right that we regard the Palestinian Issue as a struggle between mainly Israel and Arab countries (including Palestinian) concerning "Palestine". However, we should know the existence of Palestinian refugees who were persecuted from their Homeland in Palestine since 1948 and lived in the host countries such as Lebanon, Syria and Jordan. That is why their return right to Homeland regulated in UN General Assembly Resolution No. 194 is facing on crisis to disappear in spite of their great hope of returning. In addition, most of host countries don't welcome permanent settlement of them. The situation surrounding Palestinian refugees is very serious regarding their human right. In Lebanon there are 12 refugee camps and live in about 400,000 of Palestinian refugees. It is said the standard of their life in Lebanon is the lowest level compared with other host countries. Namely they have very hard restriction of work which prohibited about 60 kinds of job including not only public officers or specialists like a doctor, lawyer but also a bus and a taxi regularly driver. They are not given the so-called social welfare by the Lebanese government. These factors have resulted in poverty of Palestinian refugees. The reasons why the Lebanese government and people are not positive to support refugees in Lebanon are attributed to the confessional system based on multi religious society and the Lebanese history concerning Palestinian protestant movement to Israel. Most Lebanese believe that the existence of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon caused the Lebanese civil war. This paper will try to portray the situation of main refugee camps and UNRWA schools in Lebanon. Through analysis of these agents this paper will try to discuss the relation between Palestinian refugees and the Lebanese society, and issues for their future.
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  • Daisuke IGARASHI
    Article type: Material
    2002 Volume 17 Issue 1 Pages 201-224
    Published: March 31, 2002
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

    The aim of this article is to introduce the Commercial Court Registers of Damascus in the Ottoman period, which are kept in the Center of Historical Documents in Damascus (Markaz al-watha'iq al-ta'rikhiya bi-Dimashq) on the basis of my experience in this Center. I worked there from July 1999 to July 2001 as an archivist, with the aids of JICA, and was responsible for setting up of a database of the documents in this Center. In this time I dealt with the registers of the Commercial Court, which had little been used for historical studies. The "comercial court" registers are numbered from 1 to 156 but they are muddled up with registers of other courts (28 volumes of Courts of First Instance, 10volumes of Courts of Arbitration, etc.). I found that 99 of those 156 volumes were really registers of the Commercial Court of Damascus. They can be classified as the below: 1, daftar al-istid'a': 8 vols. 2, daftar al-jalab: 3 vols. 3, daftar al-sanadat: 7vols. 4, jarida al-dabt: 44 vols. 5, daftar al-qararat: 12 vols. 6, sijill al-i'lamat: 20 vols. 7, daftar al-hasilat: 3 vols. 8, Others: 2 vols. General information Age: These registers cover a period of about 30 years from 1885 to 1918 when Syria became independent of the Ottoman rule. Calendar: Dates used in those registers are basically on the Rumi calendar, although the Hijri calendar and rarely the Christian calendar are used too. Each case in registers is numbered consecutively and updated every Rumi New Year. Language: The page headings of almost all registers are printed in Ottoman-Turkish. While descriptions are usually written in Arabic but some types of registers are written in Ottoman-Turkish (see the below). The Civil Court Law issued in 1879 prescribes various types of registers of commercial courts according to the judicial process as the below. At first when a plaintiff send in his bill of complaint to the court, the date and counts are entered in the daftar al-istid'a' [art. 15-22]. This bill of complaint is copied and sent to a defendant. Next, The date of first instance is fixed according to the order in the daftar al-istid'a' and summonses are sent to both parties. In this time contents of the summons are written down in the daftar al-jalab [art. 23-34]. Then, the trial begin in the fixed date. The protocols (dabt) are kept with the president of the court during the trial, then they are fair-copied and bound as a book. This is the jarida al-dabt. All documents and certificates submitted to the court during the trial are entered in the daftar al-sanadat. The adjudication is written down in the daftar al-qararat when the judgment comes out, and the judgement paper (i'lam) issued to the parties is recorded on the sijill al-i'lamat. The Civil Court Law prescribes how to deal with the court registers. All registers are bound, then the president's seal is put on the top edge of each page and the page number is written below it. These registers are used after that the president and the scribe ascertain the total number of pages, write down it on the top and end of pages, and put their signatures and seals there [art. 6]. Detailed accounts of each type of registers are given below. 1, daftar al-istid'a': vol. 13, 23, 27, 35, 41, 48, 49, 55. Bills of complaint and their contents (the date, names of a plaintiff and a defendant, their nationalities and addresses, cause of action, name of the official who accept it) are recorded with numbering [Civil Court Law art. 6]. These registers actually contain this information in addition to numbers of sheets, signature of the scribe (katib al-dabt) and the result of suit. The space for a result of suit is filled with the date of judgment or that of registration on sijill al-i'lamat and registration number on it. If a case is called off, this space is blank. The registration number on this register is

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