Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 10
Displaying 1-14 of 14 articles from this issue
  • Kaori KOMATSU
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 1-25
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The Idare-i Mahsusa was a shipping enterprise managed by the Ottoman government during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II (1876-1908). Granted special privileges(imtiyaz), it operated regular steamship services between Istanbul and other main ports in the Ottoman Empire under the supervision of the Naval Ministry. This article tries to analyze its relationship with the Ottoman Navy. First of all, it discusses the three roles of the Idare-i Mahsusa, namely, a means of city transportation in Istanbul, a domestic regular service and an auxiliary force for the Navy, followed by the examination of its activities and the problems it encountered. Then, selecting four cases in (1870-71, 1872-3, 1883, 1908-10) of failed attempt to privatize the organization, it investigates the reason of their failure. There were two main contending ideas about its management. On one hand, the Navy argued that it should continue to control it, claiming that the private sector of the Ottoman Empire was technologically and financially not up to the task of running it efficiently. Furthermore, valuing its military role, it rejected civilian management. On the other hand, Ministry of Trade and Public Works argued that it should be privatized under its supervision to encourage the development of the Ottoman maritime enterprises. More consideration should be given to industrial development rather than military use, it claimed. This debate not only reflects the military and socio-economic conditions of the Empire in this period but also reveals a link between economic thinking of this period to the Kemalist economic policy such as Etatism in later period.
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  • Hans DAIBER
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 27-67
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The article on Literary Process between Fiction and Reality contains the translation and analysis of an Arabic tale, a report ascribed to the mystic Sari as-Saqati, a student of Djunayd (died 910 A.D.). This tale is available in two versions, a long one preserved by Hurayfish (died 1398 A.D.) and quoted by Zakariya' al-Ansari (died 1520 A.D.) and a short rendition, preserved by Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi (died 1223 A.D.), Ibshihi (died 1446 A.D.) and in an Arabic manuscript from the 16th century (collection Daiber, Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo no. 94, fols. 3v-4v). Saqati narrates his meeting with a female slave in a lunatic asylum. This slave called Tuhfa was taken by her owner to the lunatic asylum because her behavior became like that of a lunatic. Saqati, however, recognized that Tuhfa's seemingly crazy behavior was in reality her mystical love for God. He gives a vivid picture of her mystical love and informs us about his decision to free her by paying the owner 20 thousand Dirham. As a sufi Saqati had no money to pay for her but he prayed the whole night. During the early morning a man called Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna brought him the money; God had asked Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna in a dream to bring Saqati the money. Tuhfa was freed and left the lunatic asylum. Some time later Saqati and Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna met Tuhfa again on the pilgrimage to Mecca, during their circumambulation of the Ka'ba. They found Tuhfa in the state of mystical ecstasy; she was weeping, and yearning for God and for renunciation of the world. She fell down in front of them and died. At the same moment Ahmad Ibn al-Muthanna fell down too, and died.-- Literary cliches, the terminology and the analysis of the contents show that the story in its present form is a literary fiction which ultimately has its roots in the 11th/12th century. The story does not propagate Djunayd's ecstatic unification with God which is followed by the socalled "second sobriety", by a new alertness of the mind (sahw); it propagates Bistami's abandonment of man's self, his death in the mystical unification with God. Contrary to Djunayd who prefered to talk about his mystical love through indications (isharat) and similar to Halladj's public propagation of his unification with God in the well-known utterance ana l-haqq, the main figure of Saqati's narrative, Tuhfa, does not hide her mystical love of God. Who seems to be lunatic is indeed near to God and "knows" Him, as it is exemplified in tales told by as-Sarradj and al-'Attar from the 11th and 12th century about mad people in the lunatic asylum who because of their nearness to God are visited by the public.-- The mystic Saqati and the object of his tale, the mystic woman Tuhfa, inform the reader or listener on the essence of mystical love. The mystical death of the lover of God is in the eyes of Saqati not a miracle, but something marvellous. Herewith the narrative appears to be classified as something similar to the "marvellous" things, the 'adja'ib of old Arabic tales (hikayat) which since the 9th and 10th century became the literary background of The Thousand and One Nights. One of the preserved collection of "marvellous tales" contains the story of a woman called Tuhfa who was sold by her husband because of poverty; after a long odyssey they are united again. This story which is taken up in the tales of The Thousand and One Nights, is a modification of a theme in the Greek novel, of the rebellion of a couple against fate. In Islam it became a record of human instability and fatalistic consequences. This theme of an odyssey is changed in our mystical tale into a didactic narrative on the ecstatic unification with the divine loved being, God, and its consequences for man on this earth.
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  • Yumi ISHIMARU
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 69-90
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

    In 19th century, as an attribute of nationality, there was great importance attached to language. Nationalists in the Balkans influenced by the thought of Herder, who had emphasized the importance of language as a crucial component of nationality, began to pay attention to their language. They, therefore, tried to purify it or to create a literary language. In the Ottoman Empire Semseddin Sami, who had access to nationalism in the Balkans, introduced the idea of language based on nationality. Furthermore, he denied the existence of "Osmanhca" and recommended to name it "Western Turkish". He also insisted that every nationality of the Empire should have its own language. His suggestion, however, was not accepted. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the language dispute in Tercuman-i Hakikat in 1882 and to explore the language ideas in those days. Through these ideas this paper aims to be the first stage in explaining the images of selfidentity of the Ottomans. The main participants of this dispute are Haci Ibrahim efendi, Tercuman-i Hakikat (Ahmed Midhat), Said bey, Ebuzziya Tevfik, and Recaizade Ekrem. This dispute quickly took the form of "Ibrahim vs others". The character of Ottoman Turkish was the main topic of the dispute with Tercuman-i Hakikat (Ahmed Midhat). Both of them accepted the idea that "Osmanhca" was the language of "Osmanh kavimi". There was, however, a disagreement between these writers. The disagreement was caused by what essence had priority in Osmanhca. Ibrahim as a devoted muslim stressed that the influence of Arabic should be considered a priority. On the other hand Tercuman-i Hakikat elavated the originality of Osmanhca and regarded it as nothing more than Osmanhca. It may be said that the order of priority in the essence of being "Osmanh kavimi" caused this difference. In the next dispute with Said bey, the point of discussion shifted to "Osmanhca vs Turkish". Said, who had a clear idea of language based on nationality, denied the existance of Osmanhca and regarded the language as Turkish. Ibrahim, on the other hand, denied the language to be Turkish by explaining the prosess of the formation of Osmanhca, i.e., the elements of Turkish had been eliminated in that process and many elements of Arabic had been introduced in their stead. Furthermore, Ibrahim suggested that, for the people of the Empire could not prove to be Turkish, they should regard themselves as the Ottomans and their language should be called "Osmanhca" not "Turkish". Ebuzziya had the same opinion as Said bey. Ebuzziya, who defined the difference between milliyet (nationality) and tabiiyet (citizenship) i.e., for him Osmanhhk is tabiiyet, Turkluk is milliyet, had the opinion that language should be based on milliyet. Yet when Ebuzziya talked about his identity, he said, "I am an Arab by genealogy, but my identity is in Turkishness". As illustrated by Ebuzziya's statement, his idea of milliyet or "Turk" is quite ambiguous. Ibrahim's target of criticism turned to Recaizade Ekrem. Ekrem denied the control of Arabic over Osmanhca which was an independent language. Moreover, he questioned the origins of Osmanhca and the influence from the other languages. He insisted that the present language should be accepted as it was. According to him, most languages had been changing for hundreds of years prior to their present state. It is clear that there were various types of language ideas concerning the role of Arabic in Ottoman Turkish or the character of Ottoman Turkish itself. Most intellectuals in those days are said to have accepted the concept of multi-identity, and this multi-identity, which was an ambiguous idea, created multiple definitions of language. From these varying ideas of language, some examples of self-identity of the Ottomans seem to be extracted.

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  • Makoto MIZUTANI
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 91-116
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Reiko OTSUBO
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 117-134
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    There have been many political powers through the history of Yemen. Among them are the Zaydi tribes in the Upper Yemen who are still as powerful as they have ever been. The purpose of this paper is to argue that authority of a shaykh (a tribal leader) is based on his success in arbitration, commenting Dresch's papers. Tribesmen are farmers, who live in villages or village clusters and produce very largely for their own subsistence. Villages comprise a section, and sections comprise a tribe. Most of the tribes belong to one or the other of the two confederations: Hashid and Bakil. In this way, tribes have a segmentary system, but tribesmen do not remember detailed genealogical relations. A shaykh comes from a shaykhly family. It is not the rule for a tribe or a section to recognize a single shaykh. He seldom has rights over his tribesmen's land or tax collection. It is therefore by his ability of arbitration that a shaykh can establish and extend his influence. A tribesman has a concept of honour that he must defend himself and those under his protection and keep their peace. If the peace breaks, his honour will be lost. Therefore he will recover his loss by disputing. On the other hand, as a shaykh assimilates his honour to his tribe or section, he will lose his honour by the dispute; accordingly he will be involved in it and recover his honour by success in arbitration. The process of arbitration is as follows; 1) Men at odds choose whom they wish to judge the matter by themselves. They can go to any shaykh with a reputation as an arbitrator. Such a shaykh can extend his influence beyond his tribe and confederation. Men of religious learning can also be arbitrators. 2) Men at odds hand their rifles to the arbitrator, by which it is meant that they ask him to judge their matters and stop disputing themselves. 3) On the other hand, taking rifles as guarantee, the arbitrator takes responsibility for the peace of the arbitration and for the compensation, and is accorded authority to arbitrate the matter. If matters are complicated, he requires each disputing party guarantors to be responsible for the peace and compensation. A breach of the peace during arbitration by someone under guaranty is an insult to the guarantor, as well as to the arbitrator who demands due amends. The arbitrator dialogues with, not commands, men at odds, reaches a consensus, and persuades them to a ccept it. He should use his knowledge (shaykhs know customs and men of religious learning know the shari'a) and possess eloquence. 4) The ties among arbitrator, guarantors and men at odds, formed for a particular matter, is dissolved at the end of the arbitration, which accompanies the return of the rifles. There is an exception to this. Hijrah, a tribal enclave, has a fixed guarantor who is always responsible for the hijrah's peace. Shaykhs with reputations as arbitrators have arbitrated many matters out of their tribal territory. Today they are concerned with state politics and some of them behave as arbitrators. In Yemen, the peace is not coerced but produced through dialogue.
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  • Keiji OKAZAKI
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 135-156
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    In 1933, five years after his return from Paris without attaining the coveted degree in law, Tawfiq al-Hakim(1898〜1987) published The Cavemen. This play is based on the Christian legend of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, which is also well known to the Muslims through Sura 18 of the Qur'an. The work makes him the first Arab playwright to use Qur'anic material as a basis for dramatic writing. Moreover, it enables him to achieve his aim of creating dramatic Arabic literature comparable to that of the Westerners. This was the true result of his stay in France for three years. In any country, dramatic literature requires a certain cultural environment where people in general have fully developed to relish it, along with the development of the language. But unfortunately, the modern Arabic theater was not blessed with the suitable situation for it. Dramatic plays were regarded as a sub-culture, that is, mere pastime, and playwrights were sometimes looked upon with contempt, and the discrepancy between literary and colloquial language was striking. Under these circumstances, al-Hakim tried to write a literary dialogue for reading only. Indeed, most of his plays are often said to be better read than acted, and The Cavemen holds this hallmark. In fact, when this play was first put on the stage in 1935, few appreciated it, and the poor attendance intensified his tendency toward writing plays exclusively for readers. Then a year later, in 1934, Shahrazad was published. The play begins after thousand and one nights are over, and King Shahriyar, entirely disgusted with his former days of lust and brutality, comes to ponder his identity as a human being. So the king sets out on a journey seeking knowledge about himself. The theme of both plays is knowledge; The Cavemen is concerned with the knowledge about Time, and Shahrazad with the one about Space. So the two plays are considered to be the precursors of his intellectual, or philosophical, plays. Time and space fundamentally condition our human existence, so al-Hakim's basic concept of man is expected to be extracted from these intellectual plays. As the title suggests, the cave plays an important role in The Cavemen. The sleepers once abandon the cave into a new world, but soon find themselves unable to adapt to it, and are forced to return to the cave one by one, to resume their sleep, or to put an end to their lives. The cave here represents their identity, and emergence from it results in an identity crisis. There is no other way for them than to return to it to resurrect the past. In this sense, the cave is a prison and the three men are prisoners of time. In Shahrazad, King Shahriyar goes on a journey searching for knowledge, but soon returns to the starting point without attaining any clue to it. So he sets out again to find truth only to return with no results. This is al-Hakim's image of man; man is an eternal traveller seeking knowledge, but tied to the earth like a prisoner. No matter how far he travels, he must return to where he starts. In this essay, al-Hakim's image of man shown in his plays will be examined, and what makes him hold such an image will also be considered.
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  • Motohiro OONO
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 157-177
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    Tribes and tribal federation have been indispensable social system in emirates now composing the United Arab Emirates, in order to conquer severe circumstances in the Arabian peninsular. Among all, cooperative relationship in the economic and defense fields were significant. On the other hand, merchants were deeply engaged emirate-scaled business like pearl fishing. Sailors, pilots, divers, brokers, traders and so on, were interrelated and integrated into a corporate body for this pearl-related business. Rich merchants took a role of capitalists for this business. Namely, the merchants had been a patron for this emirate-scaled business involving from ruler to sailors and integrated deeply into the traditional economy. However, these traditional economic system has been changed in the modern history. First, in Dubai emirate, big merchants had become rather independent from the ruler by experiencing two incidents; attempt to topple the ruler in 1929 by the merchants and some of the ruling family members, and city council incident in 1938-39 in which the ruler forcibly dismissed several requests by the merchants. Second, change of traditional society and style of life strongly influenced the traditional economy. Third, because the rulers have become possessing both political power and wealth in their hands, they do not have to create and maintain strong relationship with the merchants. Because of these changes, two different results have been seen; a) The relation between the ruler and people including merchants connected with the tribe or tribal federation has been maintained. b) The relation between the ruler and merchants who do not have any relation based upon tribal system has been lessened. Their significance in the economic field has been reduced as well. In the UAE, tribal system cannot be said as a merely primitive mode of society. The tribal system and relation between the ruler and merchants based on the tribal system have been emphasized even after the experience of the rapid development. Through an examination of this tribal phenomena in the light of relation between the rulers and the merchants, we may reconsider whether the idea of socalled modernization in which tribe is defined as a primitive society can be applicable to this society, and particularity of this society.
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  • Kazuhiko SHIRAIWA
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 179-198
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Shozo YOKOYAMA
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 199-213
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    This paper describes the terminology collected from a traditional Persian grammar, Taleqani's 'Osul-e Dastur-e Zaban-e Farsi, which I have criticized once before, pointing out several characteristic features of his grammar. The terminology used in his grammar supposedly reflects his own, that is, Iranian's own point of view for their mother tongue; Persian. The 'Osul-e Dastur-e Zaban-e Farsi consists of 6 parts. In this paper the terminology is taken from the part 1 which treats the parts of speech and morphology in Persian. It is well known that the Persian grammar, in general, is first modeled on the Arabian grammar. And the terminology itself also seems to have been affected by the Arabian. Though some of those words are refered to in the NOTES below, I left this issue untouched for further investigation. In this paper, firstly some brief account and comments for the chapter of the Indeclinable of part 1 of Teieqani's 'Osul will be mentioned, since I did not treat it in the previous paper. The indeclinables are; adverbs (qeyd), prepositions (harf-e 'ezafe), conjunctions (harf-e rabt) and interjections ('asvat). And then the terminology will be arranged and explained by an alphabetical order in Persian. In this glossary all the Persian words or phrases are transcribed, not transliterated.
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  • Ayano SASAKI
    Article type: Book Review
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 215-221
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Eiji NAGASAWA
    Article type: Book Review
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 223-230
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Rosemary SAYIGH
    Article type: Article
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 245-263
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Article type: Index
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 265-292
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Article type: Index
    1995 Volume 10 Pages 293-298
    Published: March 31, 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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