Almost every natural language contains support verb constructions that are languagespecific. Their common function is to re-verbalize or verbalize nominals. As a result of nominalization, the original verb is deprived from its syntactic features, though it often retains many of its thematic roles. Agents, patients, tense and other syntactic positions of the nominalized verb can reappear with the help of a support verb. In Turkish the term support verb is only used for well-known et-, yap-, ol-, kil- and eyle- verbs, which are also called light verbs. In Turkish linguistics, most of the support verb constructions are considered to be genuine object+verb collocations or idiomatic collocations. In this paper I assume the traditional view of predicate verb of complex predicates as support verbs, and of complex predicates which have a nominal in the head position and a verb lacks its semantic content as single verbs in the lexicon. Thus, a nominal (N) and a verbal predicate (V) in the structure [Subject [N+V]] will be represented as a single verb in the speaker's mind. We present some methods to find whether a verb is in the support verb position or in its original genuine verb position. I assume that many Turkish complex predicates with a semantically empty verb exhibit support verbal features.

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According to traditional understanding, "Caliph (khalifa)" stands for "the successor to the Apostle of God (Khalifat Rasul Allah)." Some scholars, however, claimed that its original meaning was "the Deputy of God (Khalifat Allah)." There are some issues to be considered in their argument. Firstly, they examined literary sources and inscriptional sources on the equal footing. Secondly, they did not examine other titles of Caliph as "Commander of the Faithful (Amir al-Mu'minin)" and "the Servant of God ('Abd Allah)." In this paper, the titles of Caliph in Umayyad period are examined based on inscriptional sources. The results of the investigation are: (1) the main title of Caliph was "Commander of the Faithful." The second title was "the Servant of God" and the formal form of reference to Caliphs was "the Servant of God, Caliph's name, Commander of the Faithful." The title "the deputy of God" appears only in the references to 5th Umayyad Caliph 'Abd al-Malik. (2) Titles of Caliph can be divided into two categories: title that concerned about the relation between Caliph and people ("the Commander of the Faithful"), and titles about the relation between Caliph and God ("the Servant of God," "the Deputy of God").(3) Adoption of the title "the Deputy of God" by 'Abd al-Malik was aimed to express the stronger connection between Caliph and God.

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This paper makes clear how migrant workers make full use of their social network that they have in their home, and expand them, and what there is the base where can support them through the process of achieving the work and the dwelling in the city, by Anthropological participant observation. This paper takes up Ahwa as examples of that kind of the base from the result of the writer's fieldwork. Ahwa is a traditional coffee shop. It spreads in the Egyptian society as the place for meeting, discussion, relaxation and amusement of the people. However, aside from this typical viewpoint, in Ahwa I of the street where migrant workers mainly come together in Alexandria, the site foremen assign the construction work that pour the concrete into the building to his kinship. In assignment the work, site foreman's social network affects his decision strongly. In conclusion, migrants not only depend on the blood and local ties formed in their hometown to construct their strategy of life in the city but also utilize bases like Ahwa to establish a wider network and to secure more fruitful chances. The existence of the base makes them decide to go the proposed site that they work.

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This article aims to explore the ethnicity of African Omanis, comprising Swahili-speaking people with mixed African origins who returned to Oman after 1970 from East Africa, mainly Zanzibar, in relation to Arabness. Arabs are defined as Arabic speakers. However, various different levels of Arabness were revealed by examining who are/were known as Arabs in Zanzibar and Oman. In nineteenth-century Zanzibar, Arab was mainly used to refer to the old Swahili-speaking Omani immigrants who belonged to the affluent and politically privileged class, not the Hadrami Arabs or the new Omani immigrants who spoke Arabic. However, the ability to speak Arabic cannot serve as a determining factor of Arabness in contemporary Oman. Even the younger generations of African Omanis who were born in Oman and can speak fluent Arabic are not called Arabs, but Zanzibaris, even though they claim Arabness by referring to their genealogy, which is traced patrilineally. For native Omanis, Arabness is recognized based on language, blood, which cannot be traced in genealogy, and behavior. I demonstrate that a hierarchy and discrimination based on economic and political status existed within the Arabs in both areas and that, in contemporary Oman, the monolithic narrative of "Swahili-speaking, with mixed African blood" by the native Omanis obscures such hierarchy that existed within African Omanis in Africa.

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"Where there is power, there is resistance." Michel Foucault suggests unstable power relations whilst also demonstrating repetitious and self-reproducing characteristics of power. This paper tries to investigate whether this power relation is applicable to the gender order in Saudi Arabia. And if so, how is it applied? Based on these questions, I examine how Saudi male and female intellectuals conceptualize the gender order through their literary works. The study also explores the strategies and tactics of their discourses including their approaches to Islam. An analysis on intellectuals' discourses illustrates divergent attitudes towards patriarchy based on a variety of interpretation of sacred texts: some hope to strengthen the patriarchal gender order seeking for the benefit of being protected by male guardian and maximizing the benefit of the weak whilst others doubt and resist male dominance and subsequent female dependence upon men, and suggest a drastic change in the sexual division of labour. Diverse discourse produced among the intellectuals is a proof that the patriarchal gender order is a multiple processes of power relations of ceaseless struggles, confrontations and strengthening.

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This article analyzes the Kuwaiti political change in the early part of 2006 to prepare for applying the framework of political party system in the field of comparative politics. The significant fact in this period is that the Kuwait National Assembly passed the amendment of election law, slashing constituency from 25 to 5 on the 17th of July. It implied an important political change that parliament bloc had enhanced cohesion and came to the stage before maturity of political party, through the discussion about the issue of slashing and redrawing constituencies under way in earnest since the end of February, and parliament election voted on June 29th. In this article, I considered the political change mentioned above as the process that the political party, which not permitted but existent in fact according to Giovanni Sartori's definition, has been making political party system in Kuwait, combining substance with formality by the authorization and institutionalization. Then, I showed that the issue of slashing and redrawing constituency definitely driving the process through the analyzing the comprehensive elements including political practice in Kuwait. On that basis, I introduced the framework of "pre-political party system" for work in order to connect case study and comparative politics, and progress it.

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After Qaddafi accepted responsibility over the bombings of Pan Am Flight 103 in 1988 and UTA Flight 772 in 1989, he agreed to provide financial compensation to the families of the victims. As a result, the UN sanctions against Libya were lifted on September 12, 2003. In December 2003, Qaddafi publicly announced that Libya had renounced its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile development programs. Qaddafi brought Libya back into the world community. Although the 1990s were years of decline and isolation for Libya on both political and economic fronts, it did not pose a serious threat to the Qaddafi regime. On the other hand, Qaddafi successfully established closer relations with the EU and its neighbouring countries. During this period, the Libyan government continued to control the oil revenues dominating its socialistoriented economy -the Rentier State-. The change in Libya's behavior illustrated a bold attempt by Qaddafi to reunify the state and its identity, in order to maintain the Rentier State economy and keep Qaddafi's regime in power.

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Purpose of this paper is to see how incumbent regimes attempt to utilise the introduction of an electoral system to curb challengers' will to oppose the regime and to incorporate some of them into the existing elite circles. The process of elections as well as the nomination of the ministers in Iraq under Saddam Husayn shows the pattern how the incumbent regimes embrace social forces into the current political system. A mechanism for the cooptation of potential political elites was established under Saddam's regime, reflecting his policy to rely on a coalition-like ruling system among the local groups from Upper Tigris, Middle Tigris, and Upper Euphrates. The political aspirations of these local groups in the northwestern areas were first stimulated by military involvement in politics beginning in the 1940s, and subsequently revived when Iraq was forced to expand its army to fight the war against Iran. Saddam used this cooptation network as a substitute for the party hierarchy, but it was only applied in the northwerstern area, not in the southern part of Iraq. This geographic coincidence between the range of alliance of political elites under Saddam's regime and the so-called "Sunni Triangle" led to a reduction of the nature of the regime to the sectarian factor of "sunni-ness."

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As the ability of the opposition to challenge ruling governments is crucial in representative democracies, political participation of "opposition forces" is integral to the sustainability and stability of authoritarian regimes. This paper touches upon the electoral engineering of the Egyptian regime under President Husni Mubarak during the first decade of his rule in both, the 1984 and 1987 parliamentary elections. The paper attempts to demonstrate how constitutional electoral laws were used to consolidate Mubarak's legitimacy and guarantee the stability of his regime. The paper also examines the opposition's political activism and how they worked to overturn electoral restrictions put by the regime. The paper argues that the electoral arrangements implemented during the first and second terms of Mubarak's presidency aimed not to exclude the Brotherhood, but rather to use its political participation in the elections to lend credibility to his electoral arrangements, diminish the emergence of an effective opposition in parliament, and sustain a tight political framework of "political pluralism" under which the opposition have to restrain its political activities. I also attempt to observe and analyze the political role of the Brotherhood's participation in 1984 and 1987 parliamentary elections and its attitudes towards Mubarak's electoral amendments and the alliances it made with other political parties. The paper further highlights how even under authoritarian rules, electoral competition, which led to what can be called "democratic learning," had been taking place among opposition forces in Egypt in order to overturn electoral laws.

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This paper contains a re-examination of Afghanistan's early top-down process of democratization, started in 1946 and ended in 1973. The general goal of the paper is to provide useful lessons from the past failure of democratic practices that could help Afghans with today's democratic experiment in their country. Unlike the previous works which mainly dealt with the failure of the process with much more journalistically views on the matter. The central aim of this paper is to present a more theoretical based analysis of the process and has tried to give more convincing answer to the both questions that, why there was a process of democratization and why such process failed to bring about a consolidated democracy in the country? In order to identify which factors caused the early process of democratization to begin, two factors, economic development and the factor of political elite's power rivalries, as two prominent preconditions inducing democratization, has been tested. However, the main argument revolves around the factor of power rivalries between royal elites, which resulted in regime disunity and ultimately caused democratic opening of the political system. The paper concludes that the main reason for the failure of early democratization process to produce a consolidated democracy in the country was an interplay between severe ideological (extreme Left and Right) rivalries and continuation of royal elite's personal power rivalries.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine what the influence of the June War of 1967 is on the Fadwa Tuqan's poetic consciousness by analyzing her poetry before and after the War and to clarify the nature of the crisis in the Palestinian feminist literature by examining the critics' evaluation of her works. This study deals with the life of the poet will first be described by examining her autobiography under the premise that an artist's life in the source of her art. Then the themes of her poetry will be analyzed by periods and publishing dates to examine the changes in her poetic consciousness closely before and after the June War of 1967. Also the themes of her socalled 'major works' selected by critics will be analyzed to see how they can be differentiated from those of the poems of her male counterparts. And through this evaluation the nature of the crisis in the Palestinian feminist literature will be explicated.

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The purpose of this study explores some strands of satire in Kitab al-Bukhala. In this study we've dealt with the relationship between food and satire. The study on the interaction of eating food and literature is still an unexplored area in Arabic studies except drinking khamr in Arabic poetry. Kitab al-Bukhala' is a huge board which contains two ideas; food and miser's ideology. The mixture of these two created a powerful and effective humor. As humor is at the core of most satires, it is worth studying how that humor is created. The satire bluntly depicts Islam in a twisted way, especially when misers address the Koran and the Sunnah as the excuses for their stinginess. Recalling that hospitality is considered the most important virtue of Arabs, the fact that misers seek excuses in the Koran is just absurd. Another humor can be created just by learning that biological connection between food and word, as they are both physically linked with mouth.

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This article deals with "The Story of Khalifa the fisherman" narrative contained in the manuscript titled "A Thousand and One Nights" that is stored in the House of Manuscript in Baghdad. This manuscript is dated 1227 (i.e. AD 1812), hence it was written before the publication of the four major printed versions-the Calcutta I, Breslau, Bulaq and Calcutta II versions - of the Nights. Mainly the article devotes the comparison of the narrative of this manuscript with the Calcutta II version as the latest printed Nights, showing each motifs and some relationships with other stories in the Thousand and One Nights. It can be seen that the very rough narrative of the Story of Khalifa the Fisherman here, but also it was considered that this narrative have been lively and vivid more than refined one in the Calcutta II version. The article explains about these points dealing with some customs and some Arabic words in the narrative.

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