Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 12
Displaying 1-13 of 13 articles from this issue
  • Masahiro KAKUWA
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 1-38
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

    The Iraqi sudden invasion of Kuwait on the 2nd of August 1990 was an unexpected event for the Kuwaiti nationals, the then President of the USA George Bush and the international oil market. The Japanese oil industry handicapped with its 70% dependency on Middle East crude oil had a lot to worry. It was the third 'oil crisis' for Japanese, which followed the second ignited by the Iranian revolution in late 1978. The sudden absence of crude from Iraq and Kuwait that had counted 10-15% of the total import to Japan made the oil industry pretty determined to secure the necessary volume of crude oil. Demanding Japanese society gave a strong pressure on the industry to ensure the domestic oil supply to end users. Track record indicates that even the hyper increase of crude oil price throughout the autumn 1990 failed to curb the effort of the industry to go into further buy. A careful reading of the statistics of Japanese oil import and oil stock level tells that; 1. The Japanese oil product import, half of which had consisted of naphtha for domestic petrochemical use, slightly declined in absolute volume terms toward the end of the 'crisis'. In the early stage of the crisis Kuwaiti naphtha which used to occupy 15-20% of the total Japanese product import was compensated by the naphtha from Saudi Arabia and Abu Dhabi. Then, the Japanese oil industry started to produce naphtha at their refineries, that made the decrease of product import level as a whole. Naphtha market price at Singapore, the benchmark of Japanese naphtha price, went up to nearly $400/mt or almost tripled. Facing this challenge, Japanese petrochemical industry gave up their import and turned back to the refiners. 2. The Japanese crude oil import had been avid. In the winter 1990-91 Japan imported 625 thousand b/d or about 25% more than theoretically calculated need of crude oil. Iran moved agile to capture desperate Japanese oil companies. Saudi Arabia and Abu Dhabi followed. No refiners abroad can suffice the huge bulk of Japanese oil demand. The fear of crude oil in refinery storage tanks being dried out impels the oil companies to get hold of crude oil. This fear hit the Japanese oil companies in the crisis. The oil market summer to winter 1990 experienced the frequent strong buying interest of Japan regardless of the price level. Why the Japanese oil industry could buy the crude was next investigated. The conclusion of the study is; 1. There was a surplus of oil producing capacity especially in Saudi Arabia, together with the will in Opec countries to produce more oil. 2. The Japanese oil companies are equipped with a mighty crude oil stock system that begins at FOB loading port in the Arabian Gulf and ends at obligatory stock piled oil in the refineries' shore tanks in Japan. When the crisis happened, this system allowed the oil industry to accommodate excess crude oil already bought and to switch its production mode to get more naphtha and kerosene in winter time. At the moment of the crisis the Japanese oil industry had a sufficient capacity in the crude oil stock system to accommodate 12% more, or 52 million barrels more of the theoretically calculated crude stock volume level. Then, the study argues that although the messages from IEA addressed to the oil market tried from time to time to calm oil price down, they had little effect on Japanese oil buying pattern. The uniqueness of Japanese oil supply system is that 50-60% of oil has to bear almost one month afloat. The stock afloat gives the system an additional flexibility, but at the same time the long haul voyage of crude carriers to Japan requests the Japanese oil companies to programme their crude acquisition far in advance. During the Gulf war crisis Japanese oil companies could not capitalise the IEA s messages trying to pull down the market by indicating bearish fundamentals. The evaluation of each timing of the IEA

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  • Fukiko KISAICHI
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 39-60
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Kou NAKATA
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 61-87
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • ElMostafa REZRAZI
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 89-112
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    This paper- in which I introduce an unknown part of the history of Pan-Islamism as well as of Pan-Asianism in Japan- deals with the connections which the Japanese secret military service, during Meiji and Taisho eras, had established with Muslim Peoples in Central Asia, East Turkestan, India and Turkey. Through these connections Japan had tried to promote Pan-Asianism under the leadership of the Great Empire of Japan. During the period between 1904-1913 (the last decade of Meiji era) Japanese Military Service, the society of Black Dragon, and the Japanese school Toa Dobun Shoin of Shanghai contributed together to the stationing of pioneers in the areas where the Muslim minorities in China, Central Asia and India inhabited, and to the dispatch of officers to make investigations on the Russian and the British military existences in those areas and also to create a network with some influencial persons from the mentioned areas. Consequently three institutions were established in Tokyo to provide connections between the Japanese Military and pioneers. Those three institutions were: Ajia Gikai, Akasaka Islamic Network (Association of Muslim in Japan) , and the Institute for Asian Studies. As for these three institutions, I will focus on analyzing the life and the works of Hatano Uho - Yosaku- (1882-1936) who graduated from Toa Dobun Shoin of Shanghai then assigned to make investigations over the area where Russians menaced Japanese interests. A few years later Hatano returned to Tokyo and started his contribution to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, the Japanese Military Secret Service, The Society of Black Dragon and also to the Islamic Association of Japan in which many revolutionaries from India, Central Asia, Egypt and China joined and started to spread their Pan-Islamic ideology against both Russia and Britain. In this structure Hatano gained a high rank position in the network; first by converting to Islam, then by taking charge of all the publications of this network. Finally, I have tried to analyze on one hand, how and why the Japanese Military Service adopted such Islamic Policy towards Muslim minorities in East Turkestan and Central Asia, and on the other hand how and why Islam in Japan had become colored by a nationalistic character that may be described as "Japanese Islam". I have to make clear that this paper concerns with propaganda and public opinion studies much more than with the history of Islam in Japan. This kind of observation is important enough to be made, because in my opinion there has been no independent history of Islam in Japan from the whole political life and tendencies during Meiji and Taisho eras. That is to say this paper is concerned with the history of Japanese nationalism rather than a study of the history of Pan-Islamism. The parts of which this paper is formed are: -Hatano's biography. -The Common Cultural Association of East Asia. -Hatano's Investigation in East Turkestan. -Hatano's diary on Chinese Muslims. -Hatano's activities in the Association for Asian Studies. -Hatano's activities in the Asian Association for Justice. -Hatano's activities in Akasaka Islamic Network. -Framework of Hatano's conception on the Great Asia and the position of Muslim world in his classification of areas. -On the Historical background of Dai Ajia Shugi. -Some observations on the Japanese Islam. (This paper would not have been possible if not for the generous assistance and encouragement of many persons. First and foremost to express my deep gratitute to the director of my research Prof. Akira Goto, Prof. Masayuki Yamauchi, Prof. Hideaki Sugita and Prof. Hisao Komatsu. I am deeply indebted to Mr.Vice Admiral Yasumasa Yamamoto, Mr. Colonel Sumio Shinagawa Mr. Lieutenant Colonel Noriaki Nagasaki and Mr. Makoto Mizutani, and Miss. Bettina Hinze Wack. My special thanks to my colleague Miss. Kei Nakagawa. I am

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  • F. Mutlu BINARK
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 113-150
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Junko FUJITA
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 151-183
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    People of the Islamic world including Egyptians protested strongly against ICPD held at Cairo in 1994. The chief reason behind the protest is due to the belief that Islamic Law is closely related to the formation of the cultural and social tradition in the Muslim society of the Middle East which does not allow abortion and pre/extra marital relationship. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze Family Planning according to the Islamic Law point of view and the way of its achievement based on its social and cultural aspects. According to A. R. Omran, family planning means planning parenthood and the use of contraceptive methods. He considers that the purpose of family planning is to maintain a just society and make it prosperous. In the Quran, the basis of Islamic Law, there are no verses which prohibit family planning. But it is against killing. This is the most crucial issue debated by opponents and proponents on family planning. The opponents insist that family planning is infanticide or infant killing which is a great sin. They prohibit contraception on this basis. The proponents do not consider contraception as infanticide. The Fatwa in the 20th century does not prohibit family planning. In the Fatwa of 1937, early abortion for health and economic reasons was not prohibited. Under its legal interpretation, coitus interruptus, the modern contraceptive, was allowed. In Islamic Law, planning parenthood is a choice of the individual couple based on their lifestyle. Therefore, it is in accordance with the Islamic Community rules and regulations and Tawhid. People resisted against ICPD because they feared that pre/extra marital relationship would destroy the present standard of family life and ultimately lead to the collapse of the Islamic Community itself. The interpretation of Islamic Law concerning family planning and abortion reflects the Islamic sense of values and point of view which in turn, underlines the sense of humanity in the root of their way of life. First, the interpretation is taken from the teachings of Tawhid. People have their own nature and ability which must be entirely put to use in the management of their lives. Secondly, people have to exert their own efforts to construct a just Islamic Community. In their daily lives, people act in conformity not only with their ideology, but also with their mentality cultivated culturally, historically, and traditionally. Their reaction to global issues is similarly based. Thirdly, in the Islamic Culture, the relationship between the person and the community or the world is important. The Islamic Culture has the characteristic of being inclusive. The Islamic Character itself is clearly reflected in the private and public features, the thought, and the institutions of the Islamic World. It is said theologians' opinions were considered "masraha" in the interpretation of population probrems. In the Islamic Community, based on the Islamic viewpoint, the principle of symbiosis resulted from the entity of human beings and the concept of Justice is found functioning. According to EDHS, 47. 1 percent of the married women practice contraception for economic reasons chiefly. Actual family planning relates to people's mentality naturally, such as women recognizing marriage and child delivery and to the perception of the role of Man and Woman derived from their innate tendencies and their character dispositions.
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  • Ryoko WATABE
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 185-216
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

    During 13-14th century in Iran under the Ilkhanids, it has been noted that Iranian local societies were independent because Mongols were unable to control their settled societies. This was in particular emphasized in the south-west part of Iran, where many local ruling families had semi-independent dominance. But, what kind of administrative policy and system the Ilkhanids had toward such local societies is still obscure. Fars, one of the south-west regions of Iran, had some noticeable characteristic which were different from such a general understanding. First, it was financially important for the Ilkhanids. Second, the local ruling family Salghurids, was abolished in its earlier stage. And lastly, after collapse of the Ilkhanids, a new ruling family, the Injuids appeared. Although the Ilkhanids fiscal administration in Fars was studied by Dr. A. K. S. Lambton, her study was limited to listing of the confused aspects of Mongol fiscal control. Therefore in this paper, I have presented the analysis of (I) the processes of establishment of Ilkhanids' administrative system and policy in Fars, (II) the characteristics of the system and policy, (III) the background of the emergence of the Injuids, and (IV) the relationship between the Ilkhanids' rule and Shiraz society. Mongol administrative and fiscal system were first introduced to Fars by Salghurid atabeks, who were recognized their rule and established the relationship with the Ilkhans' family by marriage; Then various new taxes which the Mongols introduced to Iran, and the crown land inju were established. After the diminishment of the Salghurids' power, Fars was put under control of the governors(hakims) who were sent from the central government. But those who played the most important role in controlling Fars were the merchants of the Indian Ocean trade, the Sawamilis, rulers of Qays Island in Persian Gulf. They emerged because of the importance of Shiraz (the capital of Fars) in trade route between the Indian Ocean and inland regions of Iran, and Ilkhanids' strong interest in commercial wealthes. On their cooperation, muqata' ah system, the Ilkhanids' basic tax-collecting method had a great effect. But on the other hand, the relationship between the Sawamili who were the outsiders in the local society of Fars and other diwan officers who were in charge of tax-collecting was never free from hard conflicts. During the reign of seventh Ilkhan Ghazan, Ilkhanids' policy to Fars changed. First, though fiscal reform in Fars failed, Fars got more importance because its inju lands were Ghazan's own property. Second, since Sawamilis' Qays was defeated by Hurmuz which administratively belonged to Kirman, Sawamilis' contract got less effective in controlling the wealth of the Indian Ocean trade. Because of these changes, after the Sawamilis lost their position in Fars, the Injuids (inju administrators in Fars and bureaucrats of high office in the central government) finally held domination over Fars. In the background of the rise of the Injuids, there were the strict controls over Fars by the central government, and the financial importance of inju land system in the Ilkhanids. Then, the question is what kind of influence such a administrative policy of Ilkhanids had over Shiraz society. We can observe it in the appointment of the qadi al-qudat, and in the charitable activities toward public institutions of Shiraz. The change in three families of the qadi al-qudat of Shiraz in Mongol period, the Tabataba' is, the Baydawis and the Falis, reveals that the Ilkhanids made a lot of the request from Shiraz notables in the appointment of the qadi al-qudat. But Majd al-Din Fali's close and personal relationship with Rashid al-Din, the prime policy maker of the later Ilkhanids, suggests the political role of intellectual circle which Rashid al-Din organized in Ilkhanids'

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  • Masaki UNO
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 217-243
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    There is a mountainous region, covered by volcanic rocks called Jabal Druze, situated approximately 80km south-east from Damascus, the capital of Syria. This region is inhabited almost entirely by Druze people and is the largest center for the Druze in Syria, and an important stronghold of the Druze in the Middle East. It was from the end of the 17th century to the early 18th century that the Druze built their community in this region, which seemed to be waste land. However, only since the early 19th century have the Druze people increased their population rapidly and established their influence. In 1861, the name "Jabal Druze" was first mentioned officially as a place name in Ottoman documents. The establishment and the expansion of the Druze community in Jabal Druze were impelled by the Druze settlers (newcomers), who came from other regions beginning in the 19th century. Their arrival affected the preexisting community in Jabal Druze in diverse ways. In short, on one hand, the migration of the Druze led to the establishment and expansion of the communal society. On the other hand, the Druze community has experienced a large social change due to the rapid expansion of the population. The following examples will serve to highlight these social changes. First, the prominent family, which had dominated the Druze community since its early establishment in Jabal Druze, lost its leading position, and has been replaced by a new prominent family. In short, the expansion of the community played an important role in destroying the relations among existing powers. Second, the leading religious class was formed. It is well known that there is a hierarchy, like Sheikh 'Aql, 'Uqqal and Juhhal, in their religious establishment. But it seems that the leading religious class as a Sheikh 'Aql did not exist before the 19th century, but only since the 19th century. It seems that the appearance of the leading religious class occurred because of the growing population of the Druze and the development of the Druze community. But the most rapid social change inside the Druze community may be the growth of the difference between the rich and poor peasants'. That is to say, the society differentiated deeply between "haves" and "have-nots" (holders and nonholders) by the increasing of the population. Although in 1889, many Druze peasants rose in revolt on a large scale (the so-called "Ammiya"), it seems that the main cause of the revolt were the rapid social changes created by the artificial increase of the population due to migration. The main motives of this article are to examine the following points: one is how the increase of the population brought the social changes through the Druze migration to Jabal Druze during the 19th century. The other is how the social changes affected the outbreak of the Druze peasants' revolt.
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  • Kaoru YAMAMOTO
    Article type: Article
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 245-275
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The Arabic classical poetry (qasida), together with Qur'an, has been regarded as an eminent achievement of the Arabo-Islamic literature and its profound source of creativity. Traditional criticism both in the East and the West, however, has not sufficiently succeeded in evaluating it. The conventional view of qasida, which is realistic and fragmentary in essence, has limited its reading and failed to explore its rich world of imagery. Concerning classical qasida, Such cliches as Arab-bedouin's materialism, lack of imagination, boresome mannerism have been reproduced and they pervaded in general public. Around 1970, new trends of qasida study emerged. They criticized the conventional view of classical qasida and aimed at its revaluation by studying mainly pre-Islamic works from new perspectives. Chapter I of this paper reviews these trends, such as Yusuf al-Yusuf, Mustafa Nasif, the mythical critic school, the structuralist analysis of Kamal Abu-Deeb and Adnan Haydar, and Chicago School of Jaroslav Stetkevych and Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych. In Chapter II, based on the former studies, especially S. Stetkevych's, the author argues that the standard pattern of classical qasida shows a process of rebirth on two intertwined levels; the first is the rebirth of man represented by the poet's persona, and the second is the rebirth of tribal community. In contrast to the traditional critics, this paper, through the detailed discussion of such significant terms and images as dar (campsite), traces, questioning and separation, establishes that atlal (abandoned encampment), one of the dominant motifs of opening section of qasida, is a place of poetic imagination and plays crucial role within the whole structure of qasida.
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  • Haruko SAKAEDANI
    Article type: Book Review
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 329-363
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Hashem RAJABZADEH
    Article type: Book Review
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 365-371
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Tadashi OKANOUCHI
    Article type: Book Review
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 373-388
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    This article examines three recent publications of MiddleEastern Studies in Japan. Firstly, A History of the Palestine Problem and the Nation State; Palestinians and the Modern World, by Masuo TOMIOKA, (Akashi-Shoten, Tokyo, 1993; in Japanese). It is based on a rather peculiar theory that commerce in essence is peaceful. Also, that it even has a peace keeping ability, though agriculture it's claimed does not. According to this theory, the nation state is based on agriculture, and as people need land for agriculture and struggle for it, conflict and war occur. However, due to the recent accelerated growth in commerce and industry, (here they are classed as the same), the nation state will be overwhelmed and peace will, according to this theory, prevail. The author applies this theory to the case of Palestine. He argues that with the emergence of a Palestinian nation state peace will come to the Middle East immediately because of commerce and industry. However, if one applies his theory, such a peaceful prospect could not actually happen immediately, as to begin with the newly established Palestinian nation state would be based on agriculture with its attendant struggles and conflicts for land. Moreover, the theory oversimplifies the recent development of commerce (and industry) in the Third World. It stresses the economic development of NICs (Newly Industrialized Countries-South Korea, Mexico, etc.), but does not draw attention to the negative aspects of such development, social problems caused by transnational corporations, undemocratic state bureaucracy, etc. An indispensable understanding of the rise of fundamentalist social movements in Palestine, Israel and other Middle Eastern countries is beyond the scope of this theory. The author derives the theory from criticizing the works of J. R. Hicks and Karl Marx but his criticism is based on arbitrary interpretations of their theories. Secondly, The Republic of Merchants; Aleppo, the oldest suq in the world, by Miyoko KURODA (Fugiwara-Shoten, Tokyo, 1995; in Japanese). This is a poor work of social science, it lacks analysis of the structure of the merchants' community of Aleppo as a republic. It suffers from methodological poverty, caused by a sweeping criticism of Max Weber who is accused of being an orientalist, and by neglecting the total frame of reference set by C. Geertz who is mentioned only as a precursor. Thirdly, Islam as a Civilization, (University of Tokyo Press, 1995; in Japanese), by Hiroshi KATO. It contains contradictory comments on the analytical framework of Islamic society. The author traces the ecological features of the Middle East and emphasizes the importance of technological innovation and criticizes contemporary studies of Islamic societies which opt to analyze the circulation process rather than the production process of the economy. On the other hand, in the Epilogue he introduces a mercantile theory by Katsuhiro IWAI and Kojin KARATANI as a useful one to analyze freedom in Islamic society, which defines capitalism as a system to get profit from a difference in prices, and which disregards the production process. However, this theory should be supplemented by another on the non-market economy in order to try and understand society as a whole. He suggests, rather than argues, thao C. Geertz's analysis on village economy, summed up by Yonosuke KARA as an important rationalistic approach. He doesn't mention the far richer attempt made by Max Weber. It is important to analyze the specific features of commerce and market in order to understand the Middle East or indeed Islamic society. Economic theories provide various sets of different interpretations of market and non-market economy. The authors of these works overlook the theoretical heritage of Adam Smith, Karl Marx and Max Weber, etc., who tried to make a linkage between economy and Human Rights (its thoughts, its institutional

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  • Ayano SASAKI
    Article type: Book Review
    1997 Volume 12 Pages 389-396
    Published: March 31, 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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