Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 27, Issue 1
Displaying 1-22 of 22 articles from this issue
  • Tamon BABA
    Article type: Article
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 1-28
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    An Analysis of the Supply Origin of Court Cooking Ingredients in Yemen under the Rasūlids during the 13th Century Yemen, which was ruled by the Rasūlids (A.H. 626–858 [1228–1454]), is located in a key position for Indian Ocean trade, and was famous for its agricultural productivity. However, we don’t know details about Yemen under the Rasūlidsṣ during the 13th century, except for the port of Aden. In this paper, I analyzed the feature of regions in Yemen based on a new historical source, which was entitled Nūr al-Ma‘ārif Nuẓum wa Qawānīn wa A‘rāf al-Yaman fī al-‘Ahd al-Muẓaffarī al-Wārif and included records of a supply of cooking ingredients in the Rasūlid Court. Through this examination, I demonstrated the details of economic activities, such as special products of various regions and their distribution in Yemen. At first, I extracted cooking ingredients that contained information relating to the supply origin, and I analyzed the frequency of the products supply origin and destination by using numerical data. Hence, I discovered that the ports of Aden and Zabīd acted as trade centers for various products. In addition, I classified these supply origins into four regions, Tihāma, the Southern Mountain Region, Aden and its periphery, and the Northern Mountain Region, and discovered their specialties. Tihāma and the Southern Mountain Region had special products according to their climatic conditions. Aden acted as the center for various types of merchandise from the Indian Ocean. On the other hand, the Northern Mountain Region was rarely mentioned in this source due to geographical and political reasons.
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  • Jutaro KANEKO
    Article type: Article
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 29-64
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This article explores a desirable regional bank supervision system for the GCC area that ensures the sound development of its integrated financial market put in place in 2008. I will clarify the problems with the present system and requirements for the improvement of the GCC by comparing it with the EU, which realized regional financial integration prior to the GCC. Section II delineates the outline of present bank supervision systems and efforts to improve them in the GCC. The individual regulations and the financial safety nets, which serve to prevent an individual bank failure from developing into a systemic failure of the financial market, however, have not been necessarily in line with global standards as a whole. In addition, there is great diversity in bank supervision systems even among member states. In section III, this article analyzes the progress of region-wide bank supervision system reform within the EU as the de facto sole forerunner for the GCC with the intention to derive useful implications for the GCC. Section IV reviews and analyses those problems deeply involved in the current regional banking supervision systems within the GCC area in detail. As such, the underdeveloped harmonization of regulations and safety nets, as well as supervision approaches among member states, can be pointed out, since they induce moral hazard in banks and in creditors of banks and impair a level playing field in the GCC financial market. In section V, this article concludes that the GCC requires further efforts to put forward the ongoing reform of regional banking supervision. Here, there are two proposals for consideration derived from the experiences of the EU: to harmonize and standardize regulations and safety nets across the GCC area and to establish a pan-GCC institution, which will enact common regulations and directives to be applied in all member states. The point is that introducing EU-type systems would not work in the GCC area at this time, taking into account the fundamental differences between the two regional communities. To devise the best fitting system tailored for the GCC area is a pressing challenge.
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  • Shoko WATANABE
    Article type: Article
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 65-88
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In comparing Middle-Eastern and Algerian Ulama’s reactions to some important sociopolitical questions, this study seeks to clarify the originality of political thought within the Association of Algerian Ulama (founded in 1931) before the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Although being strongly influenced by the Egyptian Islamist school of al-Manār, the Algerian Ulama showed some creativity of thought and method when they reacted to two major problems of the colonial period: the polemic about naturalization of a Muslim “indigenous” person as a French and the question of application of the law of separation of church and state. The difference in opinion between al-Manār and the Algerian Ulama came mainly from the particularity of the Algerian situation under direct colonial rule. Struggling with the political/economic/cultural illegalities, the Ulama began to call for their collective identity as Algerian Muslims, a newly discovered agency in both cultural and political terms. The Ulama conceptualized their nationhood or “Algerian Muslim Umma” as follows. They assumed that there was a distinct religious community (umma) composed only of Muslims on the Algerian homeland (waṭan), and they distinguished this “Algerian Muslim Umma” from the French Umma, claiming the Algerian Muslim Umma’s ethnic affiliation (jinsīya qawmīya) as distinct from its political affiliation (jinsīya siyāsīya), which was French. The Ulama insisted also on the Algerian Muslims’ affiliation to both their homeland (waṭan) and the worldwide Islamic Umma, guaranteed by their juridical Muslim Status. Thus, the Algerian Ulama succeeded in combining the worldwide Islamic framework and the idea of Algerian nationhood without any conflict.
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  • Takayoshi KUROMIYA
    Article type: Article
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 89-114
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this article, I would like to show that distortion of the economic structure resulting from the rapid increase of external incomes from natural resources and migrant labor from the 1970s to the 1980s is also one of the reasons for Egypt’s economic difficulties. This period runs almost concurrently with the period of the Open-Door Policy. In the analysis, I will examine whether the concepts of “the Dutch Disease” and “the Rentier Economy” are applicable to the then-Egyptian economy, and the following points are shown. (1) In Egypt, the growth rates became high when the external incomes were huge, but the development of the sector of tradable goods was impeded and the sectors of mining and non-tradable goods grew a lot. Consequently, the share of the manufacturing and agricultural sectors in GDP decreased. (2) The real exchange rate appreciated, and in the manufacturing and agricultural sectors, exports stagnated and imports increased dramatically. In other words, the performance of the manufacturing and agricultural sectors was relatively bad, import substitution did not make progress, and export-led growth became difficult. So I conclude that, to a large extent, the concepts of “the Dutch Disease” and “the Rentier Economy” can be applied to the Egyptian economy during the period of the Open-Door Policy.
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  • Hiroshi KATO
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 115-119
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Takeji INO, Erina IWASAKI, Hiroshi KATO
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 121-148
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper provides a quantitative explanation about the voices of socioeconomic discontents among the Egyptian public, focusing on the relation between the political attitude and the various kinds of social, economic, and cultural factors, using the data collected by the Opinion Survey in Egypt 2008. The survey is conducted by ERTC (Economic Research and Training Center) within the framework of the Need-Based Program “Middle East within Asia” (at Hitotsubashi University). It covers 1,000 Egyptians aged 18 and above. The originality of this survey is that it enables to investigate the Egyptian public’s political attitude at a regional level. The regional level, here, means the Urban Governorates (Cairo and Port Said), Lower Egypt Governorates, and Upper Egypt Governorates. Using the data obtained from this survey and analyzing at regional level, this paper clarifies the characteristics of the Egyptian public’s political attitude and its relationship with socioeconomic background at the regional level.
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  • Abdel-Hamid Abdel-Latif
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 149-181
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper clarifies the worldviews and political participation of the Egyptian public using data from the Opinion Survey in Egypt of 2008. The survey was conducted by ERTC (director: Abdel-Hamid Abdel-Latif) within the framework of a research project of Hitotsubashi University: the Need-Based Program for Area Studies: Middle East within Asia (Representative: Hiroshi Kato). A representative sample of 1000 adults 18 years of age and over was interviewed. The purpose of this paper is two folds. The first is to describe the proposed factors that might have shaped the Egyptian public’s political orientation and participation. Among these factors are migratory experience; sources of information; degree of marginality; social capital and civic engagement; their political awareness at the local, the regional, and the global levels; and, finally, their future perspectives. Second, the paper explains the public’s political participation by using a multiple regression model for assessing the independent effects of the proposed variables on their political participation. The statistical model will also assess the relative contribution of a set of individual-level attributes such as education, income, age, political interest, and civic engagement. In addition to these individual-level attributes, investigators have also acknowledged the significance of the contextual variables in explaining the variation in political participation and awareness.
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  • Hiroshi TOMITA
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 183-206
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This report examines the relationship between the regional identity and political awareness of Egyptians, based on the results of the 2007 Survey of the Greater Cairo Area and the Opinion Survey in Egypt 2008. The survey of three governorates, Cairo, Qalyubia, and Giza, in 2007 provided a glimpse into the high degree of concern the citizens generally had toward politics and, contrarily, the extremely low sense of political effectiveness they felt. While paying heed to the features that came to light in the 2007 Cairo Survey, this report presents cross tabulations of Islamism, Egyptian Nationalism, and Arabism (the three “isms”) on Egyptians’ regional identities with seven items on political awareness, etc., in the Opinion Survey in Egypt 2008: “The six governorates,” “Concern for politics,” “Appraisal of current state of citizen participation in the local community,” “America’s degree of contribution to Middle Eastern peace,” “General appraisal of central administration,” “Presumed support for political parties at the People’s Assembly election,” and “income levels (household monthly income).” Then, it compares the results over a sample of six governorates. In these cross tabulations, significant differences were found in ratios of sympathy for the identity indices between the four governorates of Lower Egypt and the two of Upper Egypt that served as the sampling regions. We get a glimpse of citizen consciousness in the two governorates of Upper Egypt, which is more activated than in the four governorates of Lower Egypt. Under the environment of Egyptian citizens’ consciousness, which allows these three “isms” to coexist, it is thought that there is some degree of interlinking and fusion in the assertion of these three identities. In particular, in cases where a general activation of political awareness is induced, both Islamism and Egyptian Nationalism may serve as an index, showing almost complete correlation, with sympathy ratios of 90% to 100%, as seen in Beni Suef and Sohag. The activated awareness among Egyptians in these two governorates fits, to some extent, the hypothesis that traditionally, Upper Egyptians (al-Şa’īdī) have harbored anti-centralism toward Lower Egypt, especially Cairo.
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  • Toru MIURA
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 207-208
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Delfina SERRANO RUANO
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 209-236
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper deals with the relationship between qadis and non qadi judges in al-Andalus during the Almoravid period (last quarter of the 11th century-second half of the 12th century). The topic deserves attention given the widespread assumption that under the Almoravids, qadis and Maliki jurists in general reached an unprecedented advantageous position in exchange for support to the ruling dynasty. Yet the practice of entrusting non-qadi judges with competences that were theoretically under qadis’ exclusive purview did not disappear, and this was not with the latters’ acquiescence. Focus is put on a series of legal texts about zinà (illegal sexual intercourse) produced by Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (Cordoba, 450/1048–520/1126)―“the grandfather” of the famous philosopher, physician and legal scholar Ibn Rushd al-Hafid, better known in the Latin west as Averroes. A careful examination of these texts and a reconstruction of their context show that the specifities of the legal doctrine on hudud (statutory crimes) and the mastering of the art of legal opinion were instrumental for Ibn Rushd to stress the distinction between religious and governmental justice and to remind rulers that neglect of qadis’ instructions to implement hudud efficiently might compromise their claim to legitimacy grounded on the fulfilment of shari‘a in their domains.
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  • Işık TAMDOĞAN
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 237-257
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The question of the multiplicity of legal institutions and their role in making justice in the Ottoman society is the main subject that will be addressed in this study. As is well known, the sharia and kanun (Sultanic codes) constituted two main pillars of the Ottoman justice, administred by the Muslim judge (qadi) in the Ottoman courts. In other words, it was the Ottoman qadi who combined and interpreted the sharia and the kanun in legal courts in different periods and localities of the Ottoman Empire. However, parallel to this structure, the institutions such as Imperial Divan, Wednesday Assembly headed by the Grand Vizier and the Assembly of the Governors that existed and headed by the provincial governors (vali) were also operative in responding to the petitions of the subjects of the Sultan. What is more, these legal institutions also varied according to the local context of each locality. This study aims to show the variability of these multiple institutions of justice in the 18th century Ottoman Empire by drawing on the court records of the districts of Üsküdar and Adana.
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  • Ken'ichi ISOGAI
    Article type: Special Feature
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 259-282
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This article aims to show in detail the progress of a lawsuit brought into a local Islamic court in Samarqand province at the beginning of the 20th century by examining seven fatwa documents which were drawn up at that time by more than seven muftis, and by doing so, also attempts to explain the function assumed by muftis in the traditional judicial proceedings of Central Asia. Through the analysis of these documents, we came to the conclusion that, at least in pre-revolutionary Central Asia, muftis would not always issue fatwa to the party whose assertion they considered to be right. In other words, they would make every effort to fit their fatwa to the demand made by their client―i.e. plaintiff or defendant―by choosing legal opinions, which were suitable for the assertion of the client, from authoritative Hanafite juristic works. Thus, they offered both of the parties involved in lawsuit the chance to win a favorable judgment. This shows how lawsuits could get into more complicated situations when muftis who were indifferent to the result of lawsuit, and who were taking good care of their customers, could issue contradicting fatwas to parties on both sides of a legal argument.
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  • Kota KARIYA
    Article type: Research Note
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 283-305
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Focusing on the Arabic writings of Aḥmad Bamba (d. 1927), the founder of the Murid order of Senegal, this paper analyzes his poems that versify other authors’ prose pieces and his acrostic verses. In the first section, I discuss the objective and function of versification, a process in which a prose piece is transformed into a verse, and intellectual fields where this process is applied. From the examination of these aspects pertaining to versification, it is inferred that one of the most important objectives of versification is the facilitation of memorizing the contents of the original prose work and that prose pieces whose versification is demanded in a region are indispensable to the intellectual system of that region. The second section demonstrates the structural diversity of Arabic acrostic verse, analyzing the length of the words woven into a poem, relations between the contents of a poem and the words woven into it, and various ways of weaving words into a verse. The discussion on these aspects says that although composing a complicated acrostic verse as well as versifying a prose work has the effect of raising the author’s intellectual reputation, Aḥmad Bamba’s chief motive for composing more intricate acrostic verses was his recognition of the composition as a valuable religious deed. In conclusion, I indicate the possibility of a comprehensive study on the intellectual relationship established by the transmission of these two poetic styles in the large area from West Asia to West Africa and on the link between these Arabic poetic styles and European poetic traditions.
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  • Aiko HIRAMATSU
    Article type: Research Note
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 307-330
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This article treats the arguments on “shari’a compliance” of the Kuwait Investment Authority (KIA), the Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) of Kuwait. KIA is one of the oldest and largest SWFs and has received considerable attention recently. When KIA was established in 1953, it did not have Islamic tendencies. KIA has, however, gradually appeared to assume an Islamic character. The issues of “shari’a compliance” of KIA have been raised in the Kuwait National Assembly. The background of this phenomenon is that the number of the Islamist members has increased since the late 1970s, particularly after the 1990s. Among the problems concerning “shari’a compliance,” the following two issues are contentious points: first, the investment in companies that deal in alcohol, and second, the recent situation of the international financial market and the transactions including considerable uncertainty. This paper analyzes the relationship between KIA and Islamic finance, paying attention to the consistencies and the discrepancies between them. Although KIA is not an Islamic financial institution like Islamic banks, it is clarified that KIA is not considered to violate shari’a. KIA conducts its activities under the observation of the people and the parliament, in which the Islamists predominate.
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  • Hikari EGAWA
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 331-344
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Daisuke IGARASHI
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 345-348
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Masayuki UENO
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 349-354
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Taizo IMANO
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 355-358
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Yoko SONONAKA
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 359-362
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Aruma KAWABATA
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 363-365
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Aiko NISHIKIDA
    Article type: Book Review
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 367-371
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Taro TSURUMI
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2011 Volume 27 Issue 1 Pages 373-378
    Published: July 15, 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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