Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 13
Displaying 1-12 of 12 articles from this issue
  • Seiichi KOBAYASHI
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 25-45
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Rashid Rida (1865-1935) is known as a famous leader of Salafiyya Movement and a thinker of Arab Nationalism. When he began to publish his journal al-Manar at the end of the 19th century, the world of Islam had lost its religious unity and its political independence and fell under European rule. Many thinkers in Europe and the Middle East thought that the separation of religion and politics was inevitable, because they thought that Islam was a major obstacle to progress and development in the Islamic world. But, for Rida, religion and politics should not be divided in Islam. Former studies of Rida's thought have concentrated in his famous treatise al-Khilafa (The Caliphate)(1923). But, in this paper, I have attempted to elucidate his thought concerning the Islamic Reform, shown in his journal al-Manar, in the formative years of his thought (1898-1905). This paper will deal with the struggle of Rida to defend Muslim religious unity and the political independence of Islam against European dominance. He thought that the awakening of the Arabs was necessary for the recovery of Islamic unity. But, he also considered the Ottomans as the most important representatives of Islamic power. For him, Ottoman reform would be able to radiate to other Muslim countries since the Ottoman Empire held the central parts of Muslim world. As to the theme of the Caliphate, he rejected the claim of Arab Caliphate of Qurayshite descent and vindicated the Ottoman Caliphate, because the Sharifs of Mecca lacked many important requirements of the Caliphate.
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  • Yasumasa KURODA
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 47-76
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • John Carlson DE BOER
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 77-130
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Deniz Ülke ARIBOĞAN
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 131-147
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Turkiye Cumhuriyeti 1923'te kurulusundan bu yana, uluslararasi siyasal sistemin onemli uyelerinden birisi niteligini tasimistir. Soguk Savas suresince yayilmaci Sovyet tehdidine karsi bir NATO uyesi olarak Avrupa'nin guney dogu kanadinin savunmasini ustlenmis ve Bati'nin en sadik muttefiklerinden birisi olmustur. Soguk Savas sonrasi donemde ise jeostratejik ozellikleri dolayisiyla bir gecis ve tampon ulke olma konumunu devam ettirmistir. Ancak yeni rolu, dagilan Sovyetler birligi topraklarinda bagimsizliklarini ilan eden Turki Cumhuriyetlerin cagdas uluslararasi sisteme entegrasyonunda ornek bir model teskil etmek ve bir istikrar unsuru olmak biciminde sekillenmistir. Ayni bicimde Orta Dogu bolgesinde on yillardir suregiden mucadelede bir arabulucu olmak ve catisma alanlari ile baris topraklari arasinda bir tampon vazifesini gormek gorevini ustlenmistir. Bu nedenle Turkiye, sicak catismalara sinirdas olmasi gercegini de goz onunde bulundurursak, her donemde askeri yeteneklerini guclu ve hazir tutmak durumunda olmus ve ulkedeki ic siyasal yapi da ister istemez militer bir yapiya burunmustur. Turkiye cumhuriyeti dis siyasetini yonlendirirken bazi gerceklikleri hesaba katmak durumundadir. Bunlardan en onemlisi Osmanli imparatorlugu'nun mirascisi olmasi ve dolayisiyla eski Osmanli topraklarindaki topluluklarla varolan etnik ve kulturel baglarini halen surdurmesidir. Bu baglar Turk hukumetlerinin, Turk ve Musluman topluluklarin yasadigi bolgelerde ortaya cikan sorunlarda duyarsiz kalmalarini engellemekte ve kamuoyunun da etkisiyle Orta Dogu, Kafkasya ve Balkanlarda gundeme gelen problemlere uzaktan da olsa, taraf olmasina neden olmaktadir. Turkiye'nin cevresinde ortaya cikan pek cok anlasmazlikta belirli gruplar adina sorumluluk hissediyor olmasi ve sorunlara mudahale etmesi, etki alanini genisletmesi anlaminda bazi firsatlar taniyorsa da, ekonomik acidan oldukca sikintili donemlere sebebiyet vermektedir. Ulke icerisinde gelir dagiliminin bozuklugu ve istikrarsiz ekonomik yapi, Korfez krizi gibi bazi dis etkenlerle daha fazla siddetlenmekte ve ic siyasetinde yasadigi bazi sorunlarin da etkisiyle -PKK sorunu ya da radikal Islam'la mucadele gibi- ekonomiye agir yukler getirmektedir. Ancak 65 milyonluk nufusu ve sahip oldugu dogal kaynaklari ile gelecek icin oldukca olumlu mesajlar veren Turkiye, sosyal problemlerinin de cozumune yardimci olabilecek bazi ekonomik altyapi projelerini gerceklestirebilirse, 21. Yuzyilin bolgesel super guclerinden birisi olmaya adaydir. Turkiye'nin guclenmesi tum dunyanin uygarliklar catismasina dogru gittigi varsayilan bir donemde Bati acisindan da bir gerekliliktir. Zira Turkiye gerek Avrupa Birligi'ne olan yaklasimi, gerekse NATO uyeligi gibi somut ortakhklari ile Bati'nin bir parcasi oldugunu gostermekte ve laik ama Musluman bir ulke olmasinin getirdigi konumu ile uygarliklar arasinda bir kopru olma islevini yuklenmektedir.
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  • Masaaki WATANABE
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 149-183
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Jun AKİBA
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 185-214
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

    Bilindigi gibi, Osmanli Devleti'nde ulema sinifi, hiyerarsik bir teskilat olarak orgutlenmistir. Dar anlamda Ilmiye teskilati, tarik-i tedris ve tarik-i kaza'dan olusturulmus olup Seyhulislam bu teskilatin en yuksek mevkiinde bulunmustur. Yargiclik ve ogretim gorevini orgutleyen Ilmiye teskilati, ayni zamanda Padisah tarafindan bahsedilen 'ayricalik ve onur'un tahsis duzeni olarak da nitelenebilir. Ulema sinifinin ozerkligi, ayricaligin saglanmasiyla birlikte gelismistir. Bu siki hiyerarsi (kurallara uygun atama ve terfi usulu), ulema atamalarinda dis yetkililerin mudahalelerinin onlenmesini sagliyordu. Ayrica Ilmiye teskilati'ni,'gelir kaynaklarinin tahsis duzeni' olarak nitelemek gerekir. Kadilar mahkeme harglarini, muderrisler vakif ucretini alma hakkini kazaniyorlardi. Bu yuzden istekliler ulema mesleginde yogunlasmistir. Bu acidan siki hiyerarsik sistem, aday kalabalikligini kontrol etmek icin kurulmus denebilir. Bu mesleklerin gelir kaynagi olma niteliginin dogal sonucu olarak itibari memuriyetler meydana gelmistir. Itibari paye sahibine tahsis edilen kadilik geliri olan arpalik, bu gelismeyi anlatan en iyi orneklerdendir. Kadilik gorevi cogu zaman naib tarafindan yerine getirildigi gibi, muderrisler de artik atandiklari medreselerde ogretmenlik yapmiyorlardi. Muderrislik gorevini haiz olanlarin cogu camilerde dersiamlik yapiyorlarsa da, daha cok kazanc isteyenler, kadi naibligi, veya Seyhulislam ve Kazasker gibi yuksek rutbeli ulemanin dairelerinde katiplik vazifelerini goruyorlardi. Naiblikler ve katiplikler, cogu kez rutbe sahipleri ile kisisel iliski kuranlara tahsis ediliyordu. XVIII. yuzyildaki bazi buyuk ilmiye ailelerinin hakimiyeti, yukarida anlatilan Ilmiye teskilatinin niteliklerinden meydana gelmistir. Ilmiye teskilati reformu 1826 yilinda baslamistir. Bu yil eski Aga Kapisi, Seyhulislam dairesine (Bab-i Fetva) cevrilmistir. Daha once Seyhulislam, Kazasker, ve Istanbul Kadisi, kendi konaklarinda gorev yaparlardi. Resmi ofislerin kurulusundan sonra buralarda hizmet eden katipler, resmi memur sifatini almislardir. Bab-i Fetva giderek burokratik bir orgute dogru gelismistir. 1855 yilinda Tevcihat-i Menasib-i Kaza Nizamnamesi ve Nuvvab hakkinda Nizamname ilan edilmistir. Birincisi kadilik verilmesi hakkinda ayrintili bir duzen kurmussa da kadilik artik sirf itibari rutbe haline gelmisti. Naiblik ise kadiligin yerine fiili ser'i hakimlige cevrilmistir. 1854 yilinda Mu 'allimhane-i Nuvvab (Mekteb-i Nuvvab) ve sonra Meclis-i Intihab-i Hukkamu's-ser'(Ser'i Hakimler Secim Meclisi) kurulup naiblerin secim usulu duzenlenmistir. 1864 tarihli Vilayet Nizamnamesi'nde her vilayete mufettis-i hukkam atanmasi usulu konulduktan sonra 1872 tarihli Mahakim-i Nizamiye hakkinda Nizamname ile her vilayet, sancak ve kazaya naib atanmaya baslanmistir. Ser'i mahkemenin yargi usulu de turlu talimatnameler ile islah edilmistir. Naiblik teskilatinin kurulmasinin yani sira yeni yargi sistemi (mahakim-i nizamiye teskilati) kuruldugundan naibin yetkisi azalmisti. 1888 tarihli irade-i seniyede ser'i ve nizami mahkemelerin gorevlerinin ayrilmasi belirlenmistir. Ser'i mahkemelere sadece evlenme, miras ve vakifla ilgili idare ve yargilama yetkisi birakilmistir. Fakat nizami mahkemelere atanacak hakimler suratle yetistirilemediginden naibler onlarin gorevlerini de yapmislardir. Kaza bidayet mahkeme reisligi ve sancak ve vilayet mahkemesi hukuk dairesi reisliginin bir cogu, Imparatorlugun sonuna kadar naiblere havale edildi. 1909 yilinda Beyanu'l-hak dergisinde "Cem'iyet-i Ilmiye-i Islamiyenin Hukkamu's-ser' Kismi tarafindan Meb 'usan-i Kirama takdim olunan Idyihadir" adli reform tasarisi yayimlanmistir. Tasari, mahkeme usulunun duzenlenmesi ve naib seciminde Mekteb-i Nuvvab mezunlarinin tercih edilmelerini temel amac almistir. Bu tasarida onerilenlerin bir kismi II. Mesrutiyet

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  • Yasuyuki KURIYAMA
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 215-232
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Yemen is in the southern region of the Arabian peninsula. al-Hadi ila-1-Haqq Yahya b. al-Husayn [245-298/859-911], the first Imam al-Zaydi al-Shii in Yemen, arrived at Sa^cda and Najran which are cities in Northern Yemen by the request of the tribes in those cities. They invited him as a mediator for settling their deep disputes since the time of Jahiriya. In the former researches about the arrival of al-Hadi at Yemen, most of the results are only a description of what followed his activity chronologically. But I have a question about that, namely, why he was invited as a mediator? I think that if the tribes wanted someone to mediate in their desputes, a person with the ability to mediate was available. They did not need to call him for it. In this research, I have examined the arrival of al-Hadi at Yemen by investigating his biography both in the tribal aspect and the al-Hadi's aspect. In the conclusion I have pointed out that the tribes in Yemen have some consciousness of the worship of the Prophet and his descendants, so they invited al-Hadi who is a descendant of the Prophet.
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  • Takahisa MIYAOKA
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 233-256
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    Bu konu ile ilgili olan arastirmalari dis politikanin karar verici unsurlarina gore, 'Sovyet Tehdidini Onemseyenler' ve 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler' olmak uzere ikiye ayrilabilir. Birincisi Batililar tarafindan desteklenip, Carlik Rusyasi ile Osmanlilar arasindaki tarihsel dusmanligin surdurulmesini vurgulamaktadir. Ayni zamanda bu tezi savunmalar arasinda Soguk Savasi doneminde ortaya cikan tarih dusunceleri abartip, Kurtulus Savasindaki Sovyetlerin yardimlari ile Turk-Sovyet dostlugun ilerledigini hafife almaktadir. Ikincisi ise, Turkiye Cumhuriyetinde yaygin olan ltalyan tehdidi ve Turk-Sovyet dostlugunu vurgulamaktadir. Fakat oncekine alternatif olup Sovyetlerin tehdidini yadsimasindan, Italyan tehdidini nispi olarak buyutmektedir. Bunun icin bu makalede basta olarak 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler'e karsi bazi tenkit noktalarini savunmak istiyorum. Turkiye 1930'lu yillarda "Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh" sloganin altinda dostca politikasi izlemektedir. Bu yuzden Akdeniz'de somurge politikasi izleyen Italya ile arasindaki iliskisi kotulesmistir. Aksine Turkiye Almanya'nin Sudet bolgesini ilhak etmesine kadar suren bazi haraketler ile Versailles duzenini yikmasina anlayis gosterip, Cekoslavakya Istilasi (1939.3.15) na da kaygsizca bakiyordu. Ama Alman-Roman Ticaret Antlasmasinin imzalanmasi (1939.3.23)ndan sonra, Turkiye Almanya'yi tehdid unsuru olarak degerledirmeye basIamistir. Turkiye'nin Londra Buyukelcisi Tevfik Rustu Aras'in Ingilizlere Turkiye, Yugoslavya ve Yunanistan'in Ingiliz-Italyan Akdeniz Anlasmasina katilacagini onermesi de bu var sayimi ispat etmektedir. 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler'in bas sebebi Arnavutluk Isgali (1939.4.7) dir. Ama bu olay sirasinda Turkiye tarafsiz kalacagini gostermistir. Yine, Maresal Fevzi Cakmak Bakanlar Kurulunda Italya'nin Bulgaristan'in cekimserligi ile Turkiye'yi istila planini terk ettigini ve ordusunu Habesistan'a gonderdigini bildirdi. Turkiye Italya'yi o kadar tehdid unsuru olarak gormuyordu. Bununla birlikte, Almanya Turkiye'nin Ingiltere'ye yaklasmasinin ana nedeni Arnavutluk Isgali kaynaklandigina inanip, bu olaydan sonra Alman Buyukelciligine atanmis olan von Papen Turk-Italyan munasebetini iyilestirmek icin cabalar harciyordu. Turkiye ise Almanya'nin durumunu yanlis anlamasindan istifade edip, Italyan tehdidini asiri olarak vurgulamasi ile Ingiltere'ye yanasmak zorunda kaldigini anlatmaktadir. Bunun icin Almanya'nin istegi uzerine Italya Turkiye'ye bir saldirmazligi teklifi vermisti. Ancak Turkiye bunu reddedip, Turk-Ingiliz Ortak Demecini yayinlamistir (1939.5.12). Alman-Italyan askeri ittifak muzakereleri ilerlememesine ragmen Ribbentorop ile Ciano arasindaki Milano gorusmesinde Italya bu Ittifak birdenbire onaylayip (1939.5.6-7), 'Celik Pakti' imzalamistir (1939.5.22). Bu Pakti imzalanmasin etkileyip simdiye kadar gozlemimizden kacmis olan unsurlardan Turk-Ingiliz muzakereleri surecinde ortaya cikip Mihver devletadamlarin kulaklarina geldigi haberlerin buyuk onem olusturdugu soylenebilir. Sonunda Italya onceden beli istedigi Akdeniz'deki Ingiltere'nin Ortak yerini kaybetmesini aciga vurmaktadir. Hem Almanya'dan hemde Ingiltere'den ayricalik verilmeye calisilan Italya'nin yanliz Almanlarin tarafina yonelmesinin nedenlerinden biri Turkiye'nin dis politikasi oldugunu soyliyebiliriz. Ikinci Dunya Savasi'nin patlamasindan ertesi gunu Italya butun dunya'ya karsi 'Nonbelligerenza(Savas disi)' Demeci'ni yayinladi. Buna ragmen Turkiye yine Italyan tehdidini vurgulamaya devam ediyordu. Donemin Turk dis politikasi sadece 'bekleme politikasi' degil, Ikinci Dunya Savas'nin esiginde uluslararasi munasebetlerinde onemli bir rol oynamaktadir. Turkiye'nin Italyan tehdidini vurgulmasinin gercek amaci

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  • [in Japanese]
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 257-285
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Shintaro MORI
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 305-336
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Jubran Khalil Jubran (1883-1931), well-known as Kahlil Gibran, the author of The Prophet, is a poet who was born in Mount Lebanon, emigrated to the United States of America, and spent most of his lifetime there. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze some aspects of the revolution of Arabic Poetry which he initiated. Arabic poetry, which had traditionally been the main genre of Arabic creative literature, regained its vigor in the 'asr al-nahda,' evoking the pride in the glory of Arab-Islamic civilization. However, the Arabic poetry of the time tended to follow the traditional view of poesy in its content and form, which had been formed in the Abbasid period. Jubran objected to this situation. Prominent features of Jubran's poetry are: seeking for 'unknown' through his prophet-like vision, critical and rebellious stance toward the reality, and expression of the personal experience as a stranger. As for the poetic form, Jubran regarded it as a means of expression of his vision and message. Therefore, he was not only selective in it, but also altered it and tried to create new forms, calling himself 'creator of forms (khaliq ashkal)'. Through this process, he came up with an alternative to the tradition of poetry of strictly defined forms. At the same time, however, he was a traditional poet in the sense that he inherited the Arab cultural legacies in his poetic world, and his poetic vision was prescribed by a monotheistic world view. Nevertheless, traditionalists like Mustafa Sadiq al-Rafii criticize his deviation from 'the true tradition'. The traditional view of poesy remained very influential through the 'asr al-nahda' and the period between the two world wars, probably because it fanctioned as a centripetal force in the context of seeking for a stable cultural identity under the Western hegemony. However, that view of poesy confuses 'tradition as structure' with 'tradition as ideology'; regards paticular norms as 'the true tradition' that constitutes the essence of the Arab culture; and excludes all that deviates from these norms. As a conclusion, this paper suggests that Jubran's romantic revolution was not rejection of 'tradition as structure', but it implied criticism of the ideology of traditionalism which emerged in the 'asr al-nahda'.
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  • Examples from Winter and Summer Camps
    Eiko SUZUKI
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 359-397
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: May 20, 2023
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The aime of this paper is to describe the social groups in relation to sedentarization. Nomadic people in Antalya, in the southern part of Turkey, make their living between winter camps (kışla) and summer camps (yayla). The society of nomads had drastically changed because of the Sedentarization law in 1934, land reform after 1945, and village development programs for modernization in 1950's by the goverment. Social groups studied are (1) aşiret: a social group like a "tribe", I define "tribe" in my paper as the group which selects subsistance areas (pasture). (2) sülâle: a patrilineal descent group, (3) oba: a temporaly moving group and camp group. I studied the traits of each group's formation and membership on winter and summer camps. According to my study, 1950's-60's saw the big trend for the sedentarization. The situations depended on each family, most of which selected winter camps for residence. But all of the nomads who settled in did not abandon their nomadic lives. because the selection for settled life is one of the ways for rational economic strategies. In that situation, the Aşiret doesn't fulfill the function of an autonomous social group, it exists in name only as identity. The traites of aşiret is something like clan in anthropologically. In terms of leader selection, the specific sülâle is superior to others. By my study, sülâle is said patrilineal descent group, but succession of the name from father's is about 1/3. There is possibility that a person can have membership in two groups. My study indicates it is related to the mutual recognition beween the name of a social group like aşiret, sülâle and the summer camps. The settled people living in a town don't recognize the social group's names and the summer camps. The members of oba are based on the nuclear family, and trait of oba has fluidity and openness with non relatives. The decision for pasture land depends on the condition of grass and farmland. The nomadic must pay if they can't pasture in his ownland, because their pastures are under the control of the state administration. Çayır yaylası, is one of the summer camps in the Anamas Mts, there are some yay/as for yörük covering about lOOOOha on a plateau. It is like a small village with some springs, two tomb areas, one mescit. Before 1950 there were several hundreds tents, but in 1994 only 14 tents. The nomad doesn't pay pasture fees for the land near the village, becouse the specific aşiret, including settled people, have the custom of using there. Other summer camps near the village had began to pay money from 1993. In 1997 the goverment demands the land registration fees (tapu.) for Çayır yaylsı, This reflects the extention of the modern state administration. Judging from my studies, aşiret as social groups in winter camps doesn't today exist as [reality], it is in name only. The names show the classifications as [category] which go back to the old dynasties and nomadic life. However in the summer camps, the aşiret has the [reality] to play a part in determining who can use the pasture land customarily. It shows that the [ideology], which informs the social actions for determining pastures, still influences in modern turkish administration with the a~iret. The nomadic people use this flexbility of the traits to continue their nomadic life.
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  • Miyoko KURODA
    Article type: Article
    1998 Volume 13 Pages 419-432
    Published: March 31, 1998
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This short article tries to make a birdview observation of the amount and quality of our present knowledge about the culture and civilization of the Islamic world. Basing on the critical opinions recently presented by such challenging scholars as W. Hallaq and H. Gerber, it frankly admits the fact that we are not yet in a favorable situation, in which we can develop fruitful methodological analyses, due to the vital lack of our knowledge about the structure and historical function of traditional <legal and economic systems> in this world. It asserts that the priority of our effort should be put on the clarification of these fundamental factors rather than the pompous discussions relying on the baseless hypotheses. It criticises the way of discussion made by Prof. Okanouchi as the typical incarnation of such an attitude of armchair-specialists who are apt not to pay any attention to the present academic situation and have nothing to do with the concrete reality of the given world.
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