Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 25, Issue 1
Displaying 1-14 of 14 articles from this issue
  • Dai YAMAO
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 1-29
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Iraqi Islamist parties attract considerable attention, especially after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 and subsequent regime change from an authoritarian to a "democratic" system. Among these groups, the Sadrist Movement led by young activist Muqtada al-Sadr has been controlling the casting vote in Iraqi politics. However, previous researches, which focus either on the Islamist opposition movements under the Ba'thist regime until the 1990s or their performance in the administration of the state in the post-2003 era, have been unable to provide a decisive image of the Sadrist Movement, because this group has no experience of exile. Dispersed documents show that the Islamist movement was widely mobilized in Iraq in the 1990s by Sadiq al-Sadr, who constructed the Islamist movement in the form of a social movement, which then became the core of the socio-political basis of the Sadrist Movement and its constituency in post-2003 Iraq. Hence, this paper aims to clarify the reason for formation and proliferation of the social movement initiated by Sadiq in the 1990s in Iraq, as well as how it was able to achieve its massive mobilizing power in spite of the widely believed fact that the Ba'thist authoritarian regime prohibited the activities of Islamist movements within Iraq after the 1980s. This paper concludes as follow: Sadiq's unique stance, characterized by activism as well as a strategic alliance with the oppressive authoritarian regime, correlated with the policies of the regime itself-the "Islamization of society" and "co-optation" meant to stabilize the regime-, providing him with the means to legalize his movement This legality assured his mobilization of the masses for his social movement, which was characterized by the Friday congressional prayer sessions that were widely organized by and as a result of the reconstruction of the representative system and supported by the tribal network.
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  • Shingo HAMANAKA
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 31-54
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This article explores regime survival mechanism in the Middle East Considering the inference from literature does not answer the puzzle: why do authoritarian regimes forgive the existence of oppositions and admit their political participation? Cooptation may be a key concept to solve the puzzle. The Gandhi-Przeworski model has a game theoretic constitution with the authoritarian government and the opposition. This is a kind of style leave it or takes it offer game. The government makes an offer at first, then the opposition decides to leave it or take it. The model gives us the three equilibria: cooperation, cooptation, and turmoil equilibrium. In the cooperation state, the opposition does not resist and accepts the offer from the government. The cooperation equilibrium is similar to the cooptation, but the government recognizes the strength of the opposition and makes a concession to it The author expects that cooperation is usual and cooptation equilibrium has occurred in the Middle Eastern countries in crisis. The model hypothesizes that authoritarian regimes resorted to cooptation to avert serious crises. The article chooses a couple of cases, Jordan and Egypt, to test the above hypothesis. The case study inquires about cooptation politics of the government for the Muslim Brotherhood, in a systematic consideration of regional as well as historical context. This Process Tracing is able to explore an intricate causal relationship among preferences of actors, in the time-series sequence of events, and the situation.
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  • Nobuyoshi FUJINAMI
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 55-82
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Vocational representation (temsil-i mesleki) attracted attention when the "1921 Constitution (Teskilat-〓 Esasiye Kanunu)" was being discussed in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (Buyuk Millet Meclisi). The debate on this system reflected the environment in which the GNA could change the regime. Vocational representation was proposed as the sole path for realizing populism (halkcilik), one of the declared principles of the GNA in achieving the agenda of national soveignty (hakimiyet-i milliye). While the GNA inherited this concept from the Second Ottoman Constitutional Period (1908-18), it did not refer to the "unity of elements (ittihad-〓 anasir)," another key terminology of the Ottoman nationhood. It is because the ethnic and/or religious diversity within the nation was already forgotten; now what is important is the welfare of "people." In this way the transition from the multiethnic Ottoman Sultanate to the Turkish Republic was prepared. The period from September 1920 to January 1921 was the critical time when this transition occurred. The reason why vocational representation was rejected illustrates another aspect of the continuity from the late Ottoman period. The GNA always showed hostility towards communitarian and/or corporatist interpretation of constitutionalism, regarding it as a pretext for the dissolution of state, which must be based on the homogeneous, one and inseparable, "nation." It represented the Ottoman-Turks' antipathy towards the political activities of the non-Muslim communities in the late Ottoman period. In conclusion, the debate on vocational representation in late 1920 demonstrated the aspects of both continuity and difference in Ottoman-Turks' political thought between the Ottoman constitutionalism and Turkish republicanism.
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  • Koji HORINUKI
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 83-111
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this article is to clarify the transition in "nation-building" in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through the process of state building and development. The rapid development of the UAE led to the severe problem of demographic imbalance between the UAE nationals and expatriates. This situation has had quite an impact on various fields such as politics, economics, and society. In particular, the transformation of the national identity, as a result of the developmental and demographic imbalance, has become a crucial issue with respect to the very foundation of the nation's existence. In order to highlight the nation-building process in the UAE, I will first attempt to construct the blueprint of the state-building process and will demonstrate how the state attempted to build its own "nation" in the UAE. Second, I will review the nationality law to examine the institutional side of nation-building. Third, I will examine the process of government-led development in order to determine the cause of the demographic imbalance. Fourth, I will focus on the Marriage Fund program as a case study to demonstrate the state's attempt to safeguard the UAE nationals. The Marriage Fund program is one of the characteristic policies that were established in the Shaikh Zayed era; accordingly, we can assume that the state strives to protect the ideal Emiratis. In the activities pertaining to the Marriage Fund, the Arab/Islamic logic is used to encourage marriages between nationals to maintain families that form the foundation of the state.
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  • Akashi MOTEKI
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 113-139
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship that existed between the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i and the ruling class in late eighteenth century Cairo, through ananalysis of the conflict among political and religious leaders with regard to the appointment of Shaykh al-Azhar in 1778. In this conflict, the Hanafi Shaykh al-'Arishi and the Shafi'i Shaykh al-'Arusi competed for Shaykh al-Azhar. And finally, at the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i Shaykh al-'Arusi was appointed as Shaykh al-Azhar by Murad Bek. The question before us is why at the Mousoleum of Imam al-Shafi'i the appointment of 'Arusi as Shaykh al-Azhar was done. One reason is that the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i was popular in Cairo at that time. Another reason was the peculiar position the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i had possessed in Cairo historically. The Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i has been the place where rulers of Islamic Egypt have been fond of constructing their tombs. For example, the Ayyubid Sultans such as Malik al-Kamil and Malik al-'Aziz constructed their tombs near the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i. And construction of the tombs of Murad Bek and Qazdhughri amirs such as Ibrahim Ketkhuda and 'Ali Bek at the district of the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i were the traditional burial patterns of Muslim rulers in Egypt. This peculiar position of the Mausoleum of al-Shafi'i was one of the reasons why at this Mausoleum 'Arusi was appointed as Shaykh al-Azhar.
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  • Masayuki UENO
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 141-164
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    School education began to spread among the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century. While these new schools were considered to be secular institutions, this paper argues that the school education of the Ottoman Armenians had religious aspects as well. From 1824 to 1830, the patriarchate ordered each bishopric to establish schools. These schools were expected to be places where promising candidates for priesthood would be chosen and trained. In the newly established schools, instead of full-time teachers, many priests concurrently worked as teachers. It is owing to these priests that school education could spread in the first few decades. In the remote regions such as Eastern Anatolia, the patriarchate ordered the establishment of schools to the monasteries of that region, and dispatched a monk to the Southeastern Anatolia. In this way, as the schooling spread with the efforts of the clerics, the religious education remained an important part of the school education of the Armenians in the nineteenth century.
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  • Fuyumi KATSUHATA
    Article type: Research Note
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 165-185
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper analyzes the influence of Western thought upon Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905), one of the greatest founders of modern Islamic thought. In Islam and Christianity in relation to Science and Civilization (1902), an important theological work of 'Abduh, he was influenced by History of the Conflict between Religion and Science (1874), the work of an American scientist John William Draper (1811-1882). Not only did he quote many elements from Draper's work, 'Abduh also employed Dei Filius (the Dogmatic Constitution of the Catholic Faith, issued in the first Vatican council, 1870), which Draper recorded in his book. During the rise of the secularist movement of the 19th century, the Catholic Church deliberated on how to defend its faith. Dei Filius, pronouncing the compatibility of faith and reason, corresponds 'Abduh's own theory that proposed "harmony between revelation and reason." 'Abduh took what he needed from the wide range of ideas being advanced by the modem Western civilization of the time, which contained not only modernization and secularization but also anti-modernization and anti-secularization. His delicate intellectual operations need to be understood properly in the comprehensive context of the world of the 19th century, in order to introduce a new model of the modern Islamic world, which tied and related to the modern Western world very closely.
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  • Yuko TOCHIBORI
    Article type: Research Trend
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 187-194
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Taro TSURUMI
    Article type: Book Review
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 195-201
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Jun AKIBA
    Article type: Book Review
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 203-207
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Haruko INOIE
    Article type: Book Review
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 209-214
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Shizuka IMAI
    Article type: Book Review
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 215-218
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Yuriko YAMANAKA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 219-222
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Hiroyuki OGASAWARA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2009 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 223-229
    Published: July 15, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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