Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 21, Issue 2
Displaying 1-20 of 20 articles from this issue
  • Yasushi TONAGA
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 1-6
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Yasushi TONAGA
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 7-21
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Mark Sedgwick
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 23-36
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Mahmut Erol Kılıç
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 37-48
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Lloyd Ridgeon
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 49-74
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Akemi MORIGUCHI
    Article type: Article
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 75-112
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    In order to understand and read the Qur'an after Islam was established, Pre-Classical Arabic and its dialects were systematized at that time to create Classical Arabic. The differences between Pre-Classical Arabic and Classical Arabic have already discussed in previous studies. However, these differences have not been clarified. Additionally Moriguchi [2002] analyzed conditional structures (law and 'in structures) of Qur'anic Arabic finding the possibility that Qur'anic Arabic and Classical Arabic have particular grammatical differences. In the analysis, it was found that law has a particular syntax function which 'in has not been found to have. This paper investigates the usage of verbal forms in law structure of Qur'anic Arabic, in order to elucidate how law, which is said to introduce hypothetical clauses in Classical Arabic, is used in Qur'anic Arabic. The following are the findings. 1) There are a variety of verbal forms in law clause. 2) A law apodosis always has the prefix la. 3) The negative form of a law clause is law la. 4) The negative verbal form in law apodosis is restricted to ma+perfect. These above forms are restricted to Qur'anic Arabic. On the other hand, in Classical Arabic the verbal form is restricted to the Perfect, the common negative form is lam+Jussive, and prefix la in the apodosis is optional. In addition, in another conditional structure ('in structure), the verbal form in a protasis is based on the speaker's point of view, and the verbal form of the apodosis agrees with the protasis. These results suggest that the conception of law has changed with the development of grammatical theory. That is to say in Qur'anic Arabic, law does not function as a conditional particle, but serves as an unreal assumption. Thus, the various verbal forms can be used without any conspicuous meaning in law clause. Regarding the negative form, the most popular negative form in Classical Arabic, lam+Jussive, is not used at all in Qur'anic Arabic. This fact also supports the difference in function of law between Qur'anic Arabic and Classical Arabic.
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  • Emi IMAHORI
    Article type: Article
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 113-140
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    Узбекистон Республикаси мустакилликка эришганидан сунг давлат томонидан сиёсий ва иктисодий сохада катта узгаришлар амалга оширилди. Инчунин бу борада махаллий хунармандчиликда, айникса уй хунармандчилиги хисобланган каштачиликда хам катор эътиборга сазавор амалий ишлар бажарилди. Мазкур маколада 2002-2004 йиллар мобайнида муаллиф томонидан Узбекистон Республикаси Бухоро вилоятининг Шофиркон туманида олиб борилган дала тадкикотлари жараёнида йигилган материаллар асосида минтакада замонавий каштанинг яратилиш жараёни илмий тарзда тахлил этилган. Тадкикотнинг биринчи кисмида, узбекистонда каштачилик сохасининг шаклланиши тарихи борасида мулохазалар билдирилган. Этнограф олим О.Сухареванинг таъкидлашича, 19 аср охири 20 аср бошларида барча хотинкизлар доимий тарзда шугулланганлар булсада каштачилик махсус соха тарзда тараккий этмаган. Кейинчалик эса кашта нусхаларини яратувчи махсус мутахасислар пайдо булган. Совет хокимияти урнатилганидан сунг каштачилик санъати икки йуналишда ривожланган. Биринчиси, артельдаги усталар фаолияти билан боглик, булиб, улар махсус каштачилик мутахассислари хисобланган. Иккинчиси, кишлокдаги хотин-кизлар махсус тарзда эмас, балки узларининг кизикишларидан келиб чикиб уй шароитида каш-тачилик билан шугулланганлар. Умуман олганда собик Совет Иттифоки даврида каш-тачилик сохасида янги йуналишлар пайдо булган ва бунинг натижаси уларок каш-тачиликда жиддий узгаришлар юз берган. Тадкикотнинг иккинчи кисмида, муаллиф Шофиркон туманидаги каштачилик борасида кенг маълумотларни беришга харакат килган. Тадкикот объекти хисоблан-ган худудда ипак ип билан кулда тикиладиган кашталарни тикиш ва сотишга ихти-сослаштирилган янги касб "каштачи бизнеси" бошланганлиги аникланган. Каштачилар уз касбини билимдонлари булиб кашта яратиш жараёнида кашта тикувчиларга тикиш усулларини ургатиш, мижозлардан буюртма олиш каби катор юмушларни бажар-ганлар. Уз навбатида "каштачи бизнеси"га ёлланма тарзда ишловчилар булиб, улардан бири кашта тикувчилар булган. Тадкикотнинг учинчи кисмида, муаллиф томонидан утказилган саволно-малар асосида кашта тикувчилар ва кашта тикиш билан боглик маълумотлар, яъни улар-нинг ёши, маълумоти, кашта тикиш учун бериладиган иш хаки, уларнинг иш шароит-лари урганилган. Бунда муапллиф кашта тикувчиларнинг тиккан кашталарига Бухоро шахрида сотиладиган сузаналарга нисбатан бирмунча кам микдорда иш хакки берилиши аникланган. Шунинг учун айрим кишилар каштачига хавас килиб каш-тачилик бизнеси билан шугулланишга харакат килганлар. Лекин купинча шахсий бизнеснинг бошланиши узига хос кийинчиликларни хам келтириб чикарган. Натижада кашта тикувчиларнинг куплари кашталик билан асосан "кушимча иш" тарзида шугулланганлар. Уларнинг асосий иш фаолияти бошка касблар ёки хунарлар булган. Маколанинг туртинчи кисмида, юкорида келтирилган маълумотлар илмий тарзда тахлил этилган. Бунда купрок каштачилик сохасида мутахасислари булган каштачилар фаолиятига эътибор каратилган булиб, кашта мутахассислари кашталик сохасида узига хос изчил техника сохиблари булиб, улар учун каштачилик асосий машгулот тури хисобланган. Лекин купчилик кашта тикувчилар каштани тикиб сотиш максадида тикмаганлар. Улар оиладаги тарзда мехнат килиш маданияти узлаштириш максадидагина кашталар тикканлар. Мустакилликдан сунг, маълум бир маблагга, яъники пул учун кашта тикила бошланган. Натижада каштачи бизенеси шаклланган булиб, улар ёлланма тарзда кашта тикувчилар эвазига фойда топа бошлаган. уз навбатида кизлар учун каштани <<кушимча иш>> тарзда шугулланиш фойдали булган. Чунки уларнинг асосий касбий фаолияти бошкд булиб, бу уларга маълум маънода танлаш имкониятини берган. Бошкдча тарзда айтадиган булсак, каштачилар сифатли кашта тикувчиларни узлариникидан кетмаслиги учун уларнинг иш шароитларини яхширок килишга харакат килганлар. Хулоса килиб айтганда, кашта тикувчилар каштачига ёлланма тарзда ишларида бирмунча кучсиз мунособатда булишган. Лекин уларнинг

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  • Nahoko MATSUMOTO
    Article type: Article
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 141-168
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper's purpose is to point out the influence of performer interpretations in the learning process of folk dance and folk music by focusing on their ways of articulating dance and music. A single object can be interpreted in different ways by observers. In such performing arts as dance and music, also, observers' interpretations depend on their own way of articulating the object. As long as observers do not represent what they have articulated, differences in their articulations remain unobserved. When, however, they represent what they have articulated, their articulatory differences become clear. Observers may have different articulations and interpretations about a single musical performance or dance, regardless of whether the object is transmitted orally or in written form. In order to clarify the process in which different interpretations occur, I propose a concept, "interpretative spheres, " which postulates that each interpreter possesses his or her interpretative sphere, consisting of its inward and outward parts. In the former, the interpreter interprets the information of the object, whereas in the latter the interpreter interprets and represents the object. In short, the former is of a receptive nature and the latter of a creative nature. This concept will be applicable not only to the study of music and dance but also to other academic fields. This paper will clarify two issues: first, the existence of multifaceted interpretative spheres and their symbolizing or recording on dance study ; and second, the relationship between social contexts and interpretative spheres in dance movements. My one-year participation observation at the State Conservatory in Istanbul, Turkey made me realize that it is necessary to postulate the concept of interpretative spheres. I learned folk dances in the Republic of Turkey with my Turkish colleagues. I then notated and analyzed the learning process-primarily divided into two levels, basic and directional-of specific dance types, Karsiama and hora, applying the method of double articulation ("kineme" and "morphokine"), as proposed by ethnochoreologist Adrienne Kaeppler. For the simple explanation, only ground-touch kinemes are analyzed in this paper. The results demonstrate the variety of interpretative spheres, including the reflection of social context. In this analyzing process, I first tried to explain the width of the meanings of signs, that is, the interpretative sphere of each sign. Although a sign signifies its meanings clearly, we should more "consciously" notice the ambiguous interpretative sphere in itself. I have proposed here a new method to record both musical meters and leg movement patterns of Turkish dances in designating their interpretative spheres. Next, I note that the existence of different interpretative spheres should not be considered undesirable. Rather, it should be considered a matrix from which folk dances continue to be transformed, including improvisation. Of course, degree or speed of transformation is different depending on the phase in a folk dance. This analytical structure will be applicable not only to folk dance, but also to other cultural phenomena. Correspondence between musical meters and leg movement patterns is maintained in national folk dances in Turkey, even though the context has changed. Musical meters play an important role in control of the human body. Further research on dynamism in interpretative spheres will help in understanding the cultural presentation of dance and music.
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  • Toru MIURA
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 169-172
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Toru MIURA
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 173-191
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    September 11 2001 and a sequence of international events involving the Middle East, especially the attacks by the United States in Afghanistan and Iraq, must have caused great concern about the Middle East and Islam among Japanese people. Whether such interest promoted a better understanding of the Middle East and Islam is not certain, but it might have instead strengthened a stereotyped bad image. For example, as Secretary General of JAMES at the time of September 11, I received many telephone inquiries from Japanese journalists. They often said, "I do not know the first thing about Islam, please explain to me about [such and such] briefly." Hearing such inquiries, a simple question came to me: Can they say without shame, "I have no knowledge of the Middle East or Islam, " if the matter relates to Europe and the West? They regard their ignorance of Islam as neither strange nor shameful, due to scarce and insufficient information in Japanese schools and mass media, even after the Oil Crisis in 1973. Information and studies about the Middle East increased substantially in Japan after the serious international events such as the oil shock in 1973, the Iranian Revolution in 1979, and the September 11 event. In spite of such development of information in quantity and quality, the image of Islam seems not to change in Japan. If so, the reasons for no change can be analyzed at the deeper level of perceptions about Islam. In this paper, I report how some present-day high school students perceive Islam, in comparison with university students, and I then discuss the causes by analyzing high school textbooks.
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  • Taka'aki MATSUMOTO
    Article type: Special Issue
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 193-214
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    As many as 100,000 Muslims reside permanently in Japan today, but nonetheless a negative perception of Islam has spread throughout Japanese society, especially since the events of September 11, 2001 in the United States. These images, not helpful for fostering symbiotic relationships between the Japanese and neighboring Muslims, should be corrected as soon as possible. Until now, however, too few studies of perception of Islam have been done in Japan. In this paper, I will use a questionnaire survey of Japanese high school students to demonstrate one of the causes that generate negative images. In April and May of 2003, I sent these questionnaires to 23 national, public, and private high schools in Tokyo and Kanagawa Prefectures; 1670 first-year students returned completed forms. When analyzing and examining the answers, I divided the students into two groups for comparison. The 648 students in Group A had given correct answers to the three elementary questions: "Who is the Prophet?" "Where is the holiest place for Muslims?" and "What is the holy scripture for Muslims?". One the other hand, the 1022 students in Group B did not answer all three correctly. I therefore concluded that Group A has more knowledge of Islam than Group B. In addition, answers to other questions indicated that Group A appears to have more interest in various aspects of social phenomena than Group B. The Survey provides two especially interesting results. First, overall these high school students report having four images of Islam, as follows: (1) rigid, many commandments required, and not free ; (2) strange and incomprehensible ; (3) intolerant and aggressive; and (4) bearded people living in desert areas. It is worth noting that these negative images of Islam are more common in Group A than in Group B. Second, Group A gave more correct answers to most of the questions about knowledge of Islam than Group B did, especially about Islamic commandments generally regarded as characteristic of Islam, such as "Can Muslims marry four wives?" "Is it a taboo to eat pork?" "May Muslims drink alcohol?" "Do Muslims pray several times everyday?" "Do Muslims fast for a month?". But, strangely, Group A gave fewer correct answers to questions such as "Are most Muslims Arabs?" "Must Muslim women cover their whole body with black clothes?" and the like. Also, in answering the questions about whether Muslims are a majority or not in the six countries (Egypt, Indonesia, Iraq, Thailand, Mongolia, and India), Group A gave more correct answers for all countries except Indonesia. After considering all the results, we see that Group A is more influenced than Group B by the one-sided information about Islam spreading throughout Japanese society. Japanese television programs often represent Muslims as soldiers with beards or women in black veils living in the desert in the Middle East, and Japanese schoolteachers often explain Islam to their students in terms of Muslim obligations and commandments. It is natural that Group A, given such narrow views and knowledge, tends to hold tightly to the four images mentioned above. In conclusion, the results of the survey appear to demonstrate that a paradox exists in today's Japanese society. The more information high school students receive about Islam, the more negative images they have. In the same way, negative images of Islam among the Japanese people in general may be arising from one-sided information rather than from limited or inaccurate information. In addition to the questionnaire survey, I have also been doing some fieldwork about Muslims in Japan, on some occasions working with high school students. Based on these experiences, I am convinced of the necessity for actual interaction with Muslims if we are to avoid being influenced by one-sided information as it spreads

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  • Nanako MURATA (Sawayanagi)
    Article type: Book Review
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 215-219
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Masaki KOBAYASHI
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 221-224
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Masahiro KASHIMA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 224-228
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Hiroshi NAWATA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 228-231
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Takuro KIKKAWA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 231-235
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Kimie MAEDA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 235-238
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Masato TANI
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 238-241
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Akihiko YAMAGUCHI
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 241-244
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Keiko SAKAI, Michael PENN
    Article type: Middle East Studies in Japan
    2006 Volume 21 Issue 2 Pages 245-260
    Published: March 31, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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