This mumber of the Journal is intended to commemorate the seventieth birthday of Prof. M. Matsumoto. He was born September 15, 1865. His academic career is as follows. Tokyo Imperial University, 1890-1898,Bungakushi, Bungakuhakushi; Yale University, 1896-1898,Ph. D.;University of Leipzig, 1898-1899. He was professor at Kyôto Imperial University, 1906-1913, at Tokyo Imperial University, 1913-1926, and now retired.
Psychology in Japan has made remarkable progress. There are large psychological institutes in the six Imperial, the two Bunrika and a few private Universities. We have also institutes for Child Study, Aeronautical Psychology and Labor Psychology. Many books and periodicals, and various researches are published both in Japanese and European languages, although most of them are written in Japanese and thus inaccessible to fore gners. This great progress of the science is indebted mainly to the late Prof. Motoia and Prof. Matsumoto, especially to the latter.
Prof. Matsumoto has greatly developed Experimental Psychology and has improved or established laboratories in Japan. Many psychologists in this country are his pupils and their works were suggested or guided by him. He is now President of the Japanese Association of Psychology and taking an important part in the progress of the science. He has arrived now at the age of seventy, according to Japanese reckoning, which is called “Koki,” i. e. “seldom attained from of old,” and this is made a special occasion for celebration in our country. For commemorating it, a banquet was held on his birthday, September 15, and this issue of the Journal is dedicated to him in recognition of his distinguished services to Psychology.

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Problem: The science of mnemonics has long been in existence, but being considered as an extraordinary subject, it has never taken an important position in the field of science. We believe, however, that a study of the extraordinary phenomenon helps, in some cases, to make clear the ordinary one. Under this point of view, we made an experimental study of mnemonics, getting one of the mnemonists who visited our institute.
Here, we will chiefiy report on the imageless activity that plays an important part in his memory, which looks like an association of visual images.
Subject: Sigeyuki Isihara, twenty-eight years old in 1934. Finished a middle school course.
Metbod: A kind of reproductive method; many series of figures, meaningless syllables and personal names are used as material.
Quantitative results: 1) Isihara's memory of figures is superior to the memory of any subject (Inaudi, Diamandi, Arnould and Rückle) who has been put under examination by foreign investigators.
2) We compared his memory of meaningless syllables and personal names with the memories of normal subjects. We recognized also his extraordinary power of retention concerning meaningless syllables and personal names.
Qualitative results:
1) He says that the visual images help his learning, but according our opinion, the imageless thoughts also contribute to it, specially in the plastic complex. These statements are found in some of our protocols. Above all in case of reproduction, the fundamental idea moves in the state of imageless thought. He said, “......undoubtly it (fundamental idea) is in my consciousness, but not as a visual image. In spite of being an imageless thought, it gives me direction and order.”
One day he compared his fundamental idea to a geometrical point which would have a situation without any size whatever. Therefore, it appears that his memory operates without images.
2) We made observation about his forgetfulness and recognized that there is a fluctuation in it. We found the fluctuation not only in the total sum of reproduced figures, but also in the reproduced figures themselves. For instance, figures 76 and 62 which Isihara failed to reproduce five times before, were reproduced for the first time after 31 days, and some figures which he could not reproduce after two weeks since its impression, were completely reproduced after 27 weeks. These facts show that something which seems at first to be forgotten is not completely lost but cannot momentarily be reproduced. He said,“when I can not reproduce something, it does not mean that I have forgotten it; it means only that I can not find it”. Then, what is the course of success or failure in reproduction? We think that reproduction depends on subjective attitude, in which the feeling has an important position. He said,“when I cannot reproduce, my attention goes in a wrong direction for reproduction, as in the case of an untrained cyclist who wishes to keep away from a stone but the more he tries, the nearer he rides toward it.”
Conclusion:
1) The imageless thought plays an important part even in the mnemonics, specially in plastic complex.
2) It seems to us that forgetfulness must not be supposed to be the complete loss of memory residue.
3) Success or failure in reproduction probably depends on the subjective attitude, in which the feeling has an important position. Next time we will try to make some particular observations about 2) and 3).

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Classical psychology used to set up a sharp bifurcation among different sensory experiences. In the light of more newly discoveries, however, the distinction is conceived as doubtful.Hornbostel, for instance, assumed “die Einheit der Sinne.” In our ordinary experience we speak of smoothness or roughness of tactual, as well as visual and audible objects.
The present experiments tried to test the assumption, in the experimental process of name-giving, that there might exist certain referred intermodal characteristics among hearing, seeing, touching and perceiving of vibration. Subjects used were normal, inborn deaf and blind children. With necessary modifications,D. Usnadze's technique (Psychol. Forsch. 5, p. 24-43) were used.
In the first part of the present experiments six different meaningful and nameless figures were at first shown to the normal children, and then twenty five meaningless “voice-complexes” were read one after another to the same subjects. The subjects were required to pick out one out of twenty five voice-complexes which they conceived as most suitable name of the each figure.
About three types were found in connection with the manner of their name-giving:
(a) In the first type the subject associated a voice-complex with a name which occured to his mind in course of the recollection of his past experience in presence of a given figure,
(b) the second type in which the subjects seemed to base the namegivings to the
gestalt resemblances between the figures and voice complexes,
(c) the third type in which certain vague impression, such as “sharpness,”“softness” and “pureness,” of common sensory factors between figures and voice-complexes, was chosen as the base of the name-giving. The namegiving here was carried out on the base of commonness of the corresponding characteristics of senses. It was a so noted that more or less strongly marked emotional conditions were concerned here. The essential part of these experiences might neary be expressed in terms of “Bewegtheit”(E. M. x. Hornbostel).
The second part of the present experiments was carried out in the same manner as above mentioned, with the exception that deaf-and-dumb, instead of normal, children were used as subjects. They had been trained in the oral system of speech. Instructions were given to the subjects through their deaf-and-dumb teacher. The subjects were shown twenty five cards on each of which were written Kana (Japanese alphabets). The Kana corresponded to the voice-complexes given to the normal subjects in the previous experiments, and were read by the subjects in their own oral way of speech. The experimenter was not able to be sure that the instructions were given correctly. Certain quantitative agreement, however, was secured among the deaf-and-dumb children (30 %), and also between the normal and deaf-and-dumb subjects.
In the same experiment another group of deaf-and-dumb children were used, who had been trained only in manual system of speech. No such definite quantitative agreement as mentioned above was found. It may be noted here that in this case there was no perception of vibration, which seemed to be very important in oral speech.
The third part of the present experiment used inborn blind children as subjects. High relief figures in plaster, instead of drawn figures, were to be touched by them. The result was quite similar to those secured in the preceding experiments

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In this abstract, extent of vibrato means the amount of pitch change in the pulsation, rate of vibrato means the number of vibrato pulsations per second, the intermediate zone means the zone between the upper and lower extremes of pitch change. Extent, distance, middle of the intermediate zone, etc, are used to refer to the size of interval expressed in cents (See Table V; 100 cents=one equal semitone), but not to the vibraticn difference.
Figures and tables noted refer to those inserted in the Japanese text, pp.793-846.
Introduction and problems: The vibrato, as often met in music, is in its physical nature, mere pulsation of vibration frequency. To take an illustration from string music, the player, by rolling his finger tip on the string, and thus alternately lengthening and shortening the length of the vibrating string, produces the vibrato. Thus the vibrato is, on its physical side, nothing more than periodical pulsation of frequency (not to speak of the intensity vibrato), but on its phenomenal side, it is more than mere fluctuation of a tone; it has one salient pitch more or less distinct, in addition to the pulsating effect. This fact presents a set of problems very important for the psychology of perception as well as for psychological acoustics.
The present study was undertaken to treat some of these problems concerning this principal pitch, which can be stated in the form of the following questions.
What is the necessary condition for producing the principal pitch in the vibrato?
Is the principal pitch heard as an intertone? Or does it coincide with one of the two extremes of the vibrato? What is its exact position? Is there any law concerning its position?
In what phenomenological ways the principal pitch comes into existence?
Does the position of the principal pitch changewith the rate of the vilbrato?
Is the principal pitch perceived only in the vibrato and not in the trill?
What is the difference between the vibrato and trill concerning the principal pitch?
_Apparatus: The main apparatus used in this study was a vibrato generator which consisted of an ellectric tube oscillator and a series of rotating variable condensers, as shown in Figs. 3 and 4, pp.797 and 798. As the frequency of the vibrations from an oscillation circnit is defined bv the formula ƒ=1/2π√lc, so by changing the capacity c periodically between the two known values, other factors being kept constant, we can get periodical pulsation of a tone or the vibrato. For attaining this, we rotated the condensers by meahs of a moter.
Conditions in general: The form of the vibrato or the objective course of interval change in the vibrato used in this study is shown in Fig. 5; and the pitch regions in which the vibratos were observed were at 1500, 1100, and 900 cycles (for details, see Tables VI-VIII). The extent of the vibratos used in the experiments is shown in Table IV. Three observers, Wd., Tk. and Hr. were used in all series of experiments, whose discrimination threshold for pitch does not exceed 2 cycles at these regions.
Experiments: The present study consisted of a series of seven experiments. In Exp. I, the rate was changed from 1.5 to 6.0 p.s., the extents being constant, and the subjects were asked to report what they heard and especially to determine whether there was definite pitch or not in the sound they heard.
In Exp. II, the extent was changed in five stages from 12 to 48 cents, the rate being kept constant at three different stages. In Exp.

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In my study I wish to treat the problem as psychologically as possible, and to give a trial how to approach the problem. I have tentatively distinguished the anticipative feeling of shame from the actual. By the former, as I provisionally call it, is meant the anticipative feeling that one may abashed if such and such a situation should happen. So it can be considered as the general tendency to shyness, abstracted from the actual conditions of practical circumstances.
(I) Problems: The present report deals with the following two subjects only.
(1) What general tendencies may be found in the anticipative feeling of shame?
(2) What conditions are necessary for the actual feeling of shame?
(II) Methods:(1) For the first subject the questionnaire method was used. After several trials, I selected about 50 typical situations; e. g. When you take lunch in front of strangers; When you fail in your task in the presence of observers; When some one cast a look at your uncovered body; When you are applauded in public; When you are gazed at by a pretty youth of other sex; when you put on too precious dress; When you are poorly dressed;&so on. About 4000 boys and girls, aged from 12 to 19, were asked what feeling would predominate in each of these situations. Besides, it was asked whether blushing would be felt or not.
(2) Some experiments were attempted for the second problem. The principle of experiment was of the same kind as Verwoerd's.(Amer. Journ. Psy. 37, 1926, p.357-). It was the primary object of the experiment to produce the feeling of shame due to the subject's own failure and punishment, for it. Stripes of colours presented in rapid succession and in different series and combinations to an O who had to perform given reaction-tasks in connection with them. Colours were presented to the O_S by means of a kymograph, a stripe at a time every 1/4 sec. The O_S had to react to a stripe of appointed arrangement of colours, which followed after definite warning colours. A very similar arrangement was inserted, with the same warning colours, for the purpose to entrap the O_S. At every wrong reaction a slight electric shock was given, as a rule, as punishment, but under circumstances it was not given for experimental purpose. The observers consisted of three men and three women, among them two men were psychologists, and the others were quite new to psychological experiment. They were all highly educated. Every observer was imposed three series of experiments which were carried on under respectively different conditions of punishment. The introspective reports during the experiments were demanded, with special respect to feelings.
(III) Results:
(1) The statistical investigation by means of questionnaire has shown that frequency and intensity of anticipative feeling of shame depend, on the one hand, upon the nature of situations, and, on the other, upon the subjective conditions, such as sex, age, temperament etc. I shall here mention some of main results;
a) Situations: Situations. which excite the anticipative feeling of shame most commonly without distinction of subjective conditions are those concerning one's own failure and inferiority. Situations concerning courtesy and sexual medesty are to be considered as characteristic cases in which sexual and developmental differences are the most conspicuous.
b) Sexual and developmental differences: Boys are less bashful than girls, as commonly known, and this sexual difference becomes more remarkable in senior than in junior. The younger are shyer of the pressence of other persons (especially strangers) than the older, while the lattter are more bashful towards being superior.

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When any emotion reaches to a high degree of intensity there takes place a sense of graze in a certain locality over the external surface of our body. The sense of graze is in quality something like a feeling experienced when we, in a bath, receive on the abdominal region a surge caused by moving our hand. It is rough and devoids of compactness, it is felt near the surface of our skin, being never taken for visceral disturbance which usually appears deep in the visceral cavity. In looking down from height, we are aware of the sense at the calf of our legs the same instant when we experience danger. The author calls this a calf phenomenon.
In the negative emotions, for instance of fear or dread, it is felt at the back, but in case of positive emotion of joy on the other hand it is localized on the ventral side, especially on the chest. While the sense is static in the calf phenomenon, it is dynamic in nature in intense fear or joy, that is it runs a certain distance with a certain speed; the speed seems to increase in accordance with the increase of their intensity. It closely resembles a sense of touch and is clearly distinguished from visceral or organic sensation by its superficial, at least somatic origin. The fact that it disappears as soon as the emotion concerned looses its intensity or comes to disappeare shows that it is essential bodily changes subjectively experienced in intense emotions.
Though at present its physiological nature is not clear enough, we are prone to accept Cannon's thalamic theory in so far as it is of somatic kind, shallowly seated and has no direct connection of with excitations visceral organs. The James-Lange theory is not consistent with the existence of the sense of graze essential to emotions.
The sense is differently localized in different qualities of emotions, in general the positive emotions on the ventral side and the negative on the dorsal one. This fact is biologically of significance because the positive emotions have to do with situations favorable and acceptable and the negative ones on the other hand with those unfavorable and rejected to an organism.(The author)

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Since the previous paper was published elsewhere (vol.9, No.1, of this Journal) the writer has been able to extend the range of his work both as to number of persons tested and variety of locality, by which means he was enabled to obtain the reactions of about 7500 new subjects. The present paper is a report of a part of the results derived from the combined materials, new and old.
Using the chemical compound, para-ethoxy-phenyl-thio-carbamide, 8824 Japanese, 5933 Formosans (Chinese origin), 1756 natives (Formosan aborigines of various tribes) were tested and their reactions reported in writing or orally. In all races the reaction showed great individual divergences, some experiencing a bitter taste, others finding the compound sweet, sour, or salty, while by some no reaction was felt apart from tactual sensation. Roughly classified, the reactions may be said to fall into three categories-the tasteless, the bitter, and the others. The frequency proportion of the bitter reaction was the highest, the tasteless the next, and that of the others the lowest. This order was alike for all races.(cf: Tables I and II.)
The actual size of the frequency percentage for the same category, however, showed the existence of a great difference between the various races. The frequency percentage of the tasteless was found to be largest for the Japanese people, the figures for the Formosans were as small as about 50% of those for the Japanese, while those for the natives were less than one eighth of those for the first. Of the three native tribes, the Atyal has the largest ratio of non-tasters, though compared with that of other races it is very low; in the case of the other two native tribes it is almost negligible. The percentages of the bitter-tasters were found to be just the inverse of those for the non-tasters, in the same order of race, as given above, i. e. lowest for the Japanese and highest for the natives. As a matter of fact, the existence of the racial difference in respect of the frequency of non-tasters of the compoud-so also that of the bitter-tasters-is doubtlessly conclusive, and would appear to deserve more extensive and analytical investigation, for such a remarkable difference promises to lead to the discovery of some essential racial characteristic of service in the study of many important aspects of scientific and practical data when more carefully elaborated. The racial difference in the frequency of the sweet and other tasters, on the other hand, presented itself as insignificant when having regard for probable errors.(cf. Tables II, III, IV.)
In connection with these racial differences, some of the conditions which might be suspected as affecting the difference, and might often complicate or even lead to wrong conclusions in extreme cases, have been studied in so far as the statistical method is concerned. First: Comparing the percentages of the tasteless cases for the populations in the north, middle and the south of Formosa (average temperature: 21.6°, 22.1°, 23.1°C. respectively), no statistically significant difference was found, which suggests that no local influence affects the ratio.(cf. Table v.) Of course, since the local conditions possibly responsible for the ratio may be numerous and vary greatly, a decisive conclusion as to local influence in general has yet to be worked out. But it is demonstrated, in the present study at least, that no local influence capable of affecting the racial difference can be isolated. Second: Statistically significant differences in percentage among the tasteless was not found between the sexes of all the Japanese, Formosan and Atyal peoples.(cf. Table VI.) Moreover with the Japanese the sex difference in this category was statistically examined at age intervals of two years and the percentages of the non-tasters of the one sex was compared with that of the other in the corresponding age class.

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For a long time, I have had an intention to make thorough researches on the mental and physical traits of the Japanese from a comparative point of view in relation to the fellow asiatic races, especially to those who live in Chosen, Manchukuo and China. Fortunately, a fund lately given to me by the Japanese Association for Advancement of Sciences fascilitated the realization of my scheme.
There were many problems which I intended to solve through data obtainable by experiments and measurements. Among them, there was an Intelligence Testing. The tests used were of kinds of non-language types. Last spring I tested by them about ten thousand boys and girls in total, at several cities in Nippon proper, Chosen and Manchukuo. The, following is a preliminary report of a tentative intelligence scale, derived from materials got at Tokyo only, which will shortly be revised by the help of the data obtained from further experiments.
(I) The Tests Used
The following ten kinds of tests were tried.
Test 1-Maze. It contained 16 items scaled in difficulties. The time alloted was 2_1/2 minutes.
Test 2-Cube Analysis. This was a scaled test with 16 items. The time allowed for work was 2 minutes.
Test 3-Geometrical Construction. It contained 16 items scaled orderly. The time alloted was 2_1/2 minutes.
Test 4-Symbol-Digit Substitution. The key for substitution consisted of nine kinds of geometrical forms and nine digits, 1 to 9. The time allowed was 3 minutes.
Test 5-Form Series Compleuion. This was arevised and extended one of the O× test in the American Army Test Beta. It contained 30 items and the time alloted was 3 minutes.
Test 6-Number Checking. 50 Pairs of numb re, each of which contained from 4 to 11 digits, were arranged in the order of difficulties. The subjects were requested to mark O, if the two numbers in a pair were the same, and to mark ×, if the two were different. The time allowed was 2 minutes.
Test 7-Addition. 80 problems, each of which contained 4 one-place digits. were printed. The time allowed for work was 3 minutes.
Test 8-Number Series Completion. This was a copy of the test 6 in the American Army Test Alpha. The items were 30 in number, and the time for work was 3 minutes.
Test 9-Form Cancellation. This was a test after Prof. Pieron's method. The subjects were requested to cancel three kinds of squares indicated and not others. 2 minutes were allowed for work.
Test 10-pictorial Completion. Two pictures were printed side by side, one was incomplete. The subjects were requested to complete it as the left side one. The number of items were 30. Time for work was 6 minutes.
To each test above mentioned were given. some preparatory exercises, with which the subjects could by practices in advance Make themselves thoroughly understand the test works.
(II) The Method of Scoring
In every test, the raw scores were determined by counting the numbers of right answers,and then the S. D. of the distribution of the raw scores were calculated. The raw scores in each test were divided by the mean of S. D. got in the cases of. the 4th, the 5th, and the 6th grade boys and girls. Finally, the total sum of the derived scores of individuals was calculated. Thus, the S. D. values were used as the unit of measurement, and consequently, the weights of each test stood equal.
(III) A Tentative Scale of General Intelligence
Experience shows that it takes 60 minutes or more for a testing, if we should try all the ten tests. This is inconvenient for practical application, because the time is much longer than the unit of time for ordinary school work.

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(I) The term attitude has been used in various different meanings, but here I take it provisionally as the sum-total that a man feels, thinks and want to do. And from the statistical point of view, I dealt with opinions as it seems to be the verbal expression of attitude. What we measure out from these opinions will have something to do with attitudes, though we know a man's opinion may in some special situations be distorted from his attitude. As attitude is so complex a thing as it can never be measured with a single index, we must remember that what we do is only an aspect of it and therefore an abstraction. This measurment of attitudes towards sport will consist a part of the study of social attitudes, in youth, which I project to complete in future. As for the method of measurement I owed much to the honourab e work of L. L. Thurstone.
(II) Having prepared 75 opinions which may or may not be justitled in accordance with attitudes towards sport, I laid them out to about 40 college students and asked to classify into 11 piles by their own merit for sport, and thus I selected 20 opinions by equal-appearing intervals on the scale. On the other hand, I showed these 20 opinions to 353 midd'e-school students and demanded them to pick up those opinions which they agree according to their own attitude. In this sort of case it is quite rare that those who strongly approve sport may pick up the opposite opinions, and in case there are two opinions which are for sport, it is reasonable to assume that those who endose one will also pick up the other. Anyhow all opinions have their unique reiabi ity. So we put the opinions to the same students again after two months to decide reiabiity coefficients. By these means we come at last to the following 5 statistical facts:……(1) n₁……total unmber of individuals who endosed opinion no.1, (2) n₂ …… total number of individuals who endosed opinion no.2, (3) n₁₂……total number of individuals who endesed both opinions, (4) ρ₁…reliability of opinion no.1, (5) ρ₂ ……reliability of opinion no.2. The simi-arity of all pairs of opinions were calculated by Thurstone's formula:φ= n₁₂/(ρ₁ ρ₂ n₁ n₂)^1/2 If we assume similarity coefficient corresponds to ordivate of normal distribution curve, we can find the deviation from mean for all φ in terms of standard deviation. Then we get the average of scale-separations between all pairs of opinions.
(III) According to the order of opinions which we got from the college students, here we arrange the scale value of each opinion, giving zero to the least favourab e one.
75) Sport makes man multilated 0.000
68) Sport makes reckless man 0.108
30) Sport compels man unnatural exercise 0.555
65) Sport serves as means of money-making or advertisement 0.705
58) Sport cost much money 0.819
42) Sport demands much skill and time 1.173
50) Sport is necessary for city-dwellers 1.288
54) Sport makes man exciting 1.333
43) Sport is good as it is manly 1.358
12) Spott makes a man's movement alertl 1.404
15) Sport makes a man's uw ll adamant 1.453
5) Sport cultivates upright character 1.686
From this list 8 opinions were automatically excluded, as, even if they were dealt with, it is difficult to put them along others. For example, ‘Sport restrains champions’ will not noly be enclosed by both sides, but has as small reliability as ‘Sport prevents healthy development of mind and body’
Nevt, by the preceeding sca'e valne we marked the opinions endosed by 1614 middle and higher clioo students, and averaging them to survey the state of distribution we found they are fairly skewed towards the approval-side.

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As the job of the pi'ot differs considerably from that of the scout, the same ways of selection can not be applied to these two groups of candidates. Here we want to describe our preliminary research, recently tried to found prognostic standards to differentiate the aptitudes for these jobs respectively. Two lines of research were adopted: 1) two series of aptitude tests by experimental procedure, and 2) character estimation obtained from instructors by rating scale method. The tentative prognosis judged upon these results, was compared with 1) desire for job of candidates themselves, 2) judgement of instructors concerning the aptitude of each candidate and 3) school marks, and so on. Between these data we found very high agreement.

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As one of the studies on manual dexterity, the following investigation was made.
(1) Work of making front half of clothes. (Nos. of Subjects......441)
(2) Simple sewing (straight, curve and zigzag line). (Nos. of Subjects......143)
(3) Work of making five button holes. (Nos. of Subjects......138)
(4) Work of making upper part of clothes. (Nos. of Subjects.131)
(5) Work of making one complete clothes. (Nos. of Subjects. 37)
Results:
(1) The general ratings of teachers, the specialists of this line, as to the results of these works are generally constant, but there is no high correla. tion between these general ratings and work results of parts obtained by measuring swervedness of seam line, eveness of seam, and exactness of cutting cloth. From this fact, it might be assumed that there should be many important factors which have close relation to the general ratings of performance besides these ones. (See Tables 1 & 2 in Japanese text.)
(2) The speed of these works goes parallel with the general ratings to a certain degree. It can be said, therefore, that the slower the speed of manual work is, the better the result is obtained. (Table 3)
(3) There can be seen agreement in the general rating in many cases of different kinds of subjects and materials in needle work, but in measurements of various kinds of operation, there found few agreements even in the same operations made as part of different works for different aims and used. The simple sewing has no so large significance in connection with general performances of work. (Tables 4, 5, 6, 7)
(4) With age and by training, the speed of needle work increases and general performance also advances, making the individual differences smaller. (Table 8)
(5) There are higher correlations between marks of performances in needle work and achievement of so-called mental works in school sujects than between the former and that of manual works in school subjects. We find this relation not only between the general ratings of performances in needle work and those in school subjects, but also between the latter and the results obtained by measuring performance of a part in simple needle work. (Tables 9, 10.11, 12 and 13)
(6) There can be found a very high correlation between cutting and sewing in regard to exactness and fineness. Agreement is also seen to a eertain degree in their speed.(Table 13)

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Problem: This experiment was intended to explain how an unbridged sentence could be reconstructed into a complete one in the process o4 psychological dynamics of words.
Method: Test materials consist of; (1) Some sentences quoted from an essay, omitting all “te-ni-wo-ha,” which in Japanese, express the sense relationship of words, corresponding to English prepositions and cases. (2) Other sentences quoted from the same, omitting some nouns and verbs. (3) Some sentences taken from a traveller's sketch-book, omitting some nouns and verbs. (4) sentences taken from a novel, omitting all “te-ni-wo-ha.”
For this study, a completion test was given to 220 students selected from a girls' college, who acted as subjects.
Results: The average percentage of the original words inserted in the place of the omissions in the sentences of the test materials were as follows; 74.9% in Test 1, 57.3% in Test 2, 40.1% in Test 3, 65.4% in Test 4.
If we should try to complete the sentences by using the words the largest num er of subjects inserted in each case, we should be able to reconstruct the sentences in nearly the same forms as their original's. By what reason is such a reconstuction. possible? It is due to the fact that the intention of constructing a sentence is directed by the order of words, and the relationship and interrelationship of words determine the complete meaning of the expression as a whole. Even from such sentences as omitting original words we could form thoughts as practically as from the unabridged ones.
However, words may at ine same time (1) carry an analogous meaning, (2) convey the same thought, or (3) bc misleading.
When words used alte:nately in one place for another in the same sentence can express the analogous meanings, it may be said that they have an equiva'ent meaning. When any one of the words coveying the same thought can possibly be used in the same position in the sentence without changing their proper meanings it may be said that they have a commutable meaning. When words are misleading because of their double or diverse meanings resulting from the ambiguous sentences, it may be said that they have an equivocal meaning.
However the words generally have the commutability of meaning as abst-ract relevancy and at the same time the limitation of meaning as concrete relevancy. But owing to this very limitation, we are able to express the proper shade of meaning of things in our language. in order to express anything precisely, it is necessary to use words of limited meanings, and to understand any of them clearly, we must experience the meaning of things in like situation. General understading of words in any language comes from a unity in social life. But the fact that we have languages in common does not mean that we understand the meaning in the abstract. We can communicate in the concrete each other by means of words common'y used by everybody when concretely referring to certain things of events under certain circumstances.
Language therefore stands for the window through which we can catch a glimpse of the world of common sense, and thus enables us to enjoy life more fully in our community. But how is it that words in our language posses such magical power?
If I am. admitted to make an analogical expression in dynamical terms, it is due to our mental osmose in symbolic process. By the term of osmose, I mean the tendency of meaning transmuting each other, when in contact even with limited words of special meaning, or of making an idiomatic expression as a whole, while some words are compounded into a phrase. In a good sentence, this osmotic process of meaning is easily expressed by words which in turn convey the meaning vivid y to the mind of the thoughtful reader.

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The Latin “persona” originally meant a mask, and thence the actor's rôle, and finally came to indicate the payer in a drama. In this sense, the persons are nothing but dramatis personae on the stage of a society. We must understand the conception of personality in relation to its social signification. As the value of an actor is measurable by the degree of contribution to the theme of a drama, so the value of a person may be deter-mined by degree of its reflecting the end of the social activity.
The higher the degree of this reflection is the more excellent is the person in the society; and this excellency is the fundamental cause to produce the value of the person. Are there not any other factors determining the Personality-Value?
At the preliminary experiment, five subujects tried 1433 comparions as to the Personality-Value of 25 great men. In these 1433 comparisons, the disnositional factors of personality were chosen 593 times, the achievement factors 665 times, those of social ranks and positions 23 times, and the affectional factori 20 times were taken.
The main experiment was devised so as to make subjects order the eminent men. The five eminent men were selected from each of the five distinguished phases of society -polical, economical, religious, artistic and scientific.
Rankings of such 25 eminent persons by using the method of “exact paired comparison” were to be tried from such six different points of view as greatness, intellignce, morality, achievements, reputation and affection. Total -numbers of subieets were 178.
We may regard the correlation coefficients between the order of great-ness and that which is made from any other point of view as the degree of importance of the factors determining the greatness.
The chief results obtained by such method are as follors:
(1)The main faetors determining the Personality-Value are seemed to be achievements (+.78), reputation (+.78), intelligence (+.71), affection (+.69), and morality (+.68) in the male subjects; and morality (+.79), reputation (+.77), affection (+.74), achievements (+.73), and intelligence (+.65) in the female subjects.
(2)The degree of importance of these factors varies according to (a) the evaluating person. Even the same individual evaluates a person differently in his different stage of development; e. g. the students of 2-4 grade of a normal school in our experiment showed a tendency to determine the Persona ity-Value of the political men mainly by morality; and to (b) the evaluated person. The same person may be evaluated differently in his different stage of development, e. g. the greatness of the late Admiral Tôgô seems to be constructed mainly by intaigence in his youth, mainly by morality in his meridian of life, and later by achievements, and finally by the reputation.
(3)In general the male subjects tend to determine the degree of greatness mainly by the achievements or reputation which are in the considerable degree under environmental influence, and the female subjects do it mainly by the morality which rather belongs to disposition. It is very interesting to us to think that this difference bears some resemblance to that which exists between the extrovertion and the introvertion.

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