The present paper discusses regional expansion of the
shikki (lacquer ware) production area in Wajima through analyzing regional migration patterns of artisans. While maintaining the traditional production processes, the
shikki industry in Wajima has developed and reorganized its production system since the 1960s. The number of establishments related to the industry has been increasing, and their range of distribution has been expanding. Within the industry, artisans are not employed, but manage their establishments by themselves on a small scale, so migration of artisans directly reflects distribution changes of the establishments.
This study was undertaken in the following way:
First, expansion of the production area was identified on the basis of changes in distribution of the establishments. Second,
kashoku (decoration) artisans were characterized by their attributes, and changes in their apprenticeship were observed. Third, the study area was classified by birth places and residential sites of artisans, and by the distribution changes of their establishments. Fourth, using data from a questionnaire administered by the author, lifepaths of artisans were illustrated and their migration patterns were extracted from the lifepaths. The author assumed that residential sites of artisans and locations of their establishments determine migrations of artisans. This is because two sample areas are selected. Finally, in accordance with findings of the four analyses above, a mechanism of regional expansion of the
shikki production area was explicated from the perspective of the migration patterns of artisans.
The results of these analyses are summarized as follows:
(1) While the distribution of establishments related to the
shikki industry was originally limited to within the former Wajima town (central place), they have spread to the inner urban fringe since the middle of the 1960s. As a result, the
shikki production area has been expanding.
(2) The characteristics of
kashoku artisans of the older generation (45 years old and above) differ from those of the younger one (44 years old and below). More than half of the older generation were born in the central place, and they are successors to their fathers' profession. In contrast, more than half of the younger generation were born outside central place, and their parents have no relation to the
shikki industry. In particular, most of the
kashoku artisans aged between 40 and 49 years old became apprentices in the 1960s. At the time, the increasing demands for
shikki production required acceptance of persons who were not related to the
shikki industry as apprentices; and in turn, the function of apprenticeship changed from the simple reproduction of artisans to succeed to their fathers' profession to the expanded reproduction of them who had no relation to
shikki industry.
(3) Through the analysis of the lifepaths of
kashoku artisans, their regional migrations were classifled into three categories. (1) Artisans who did not leave the former Wajima town. These artisans areoften successors to their fathers' professions. (2) Artisans born in the inner or outer urban fringe who came to the central place to become apprentices in the
shikki industry. After attaining independence from their masters, they returned to the (inner or outer) fringe to establish their own factories. (3) Artisans who were born in the central place and relocated to the inner fringe to start their own businesses after being trained. The artisans in the second and third categories did not grow up in households within the traditional
shikki industry, but are “newcomers” having recently entered the
shikki industry.
(4) Small
shikki establishments are congregated on the back streets of the former Wajima town where factories and houses are mixed.
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