In The Insulted and Injured, Dostoevsky portrays an orphan called Nellie, explicitly referring to Dickens’ heroine Nell from The Old Curiosity Shop. What was his purpose in creating this kinship?

　The heroine of The Old Curiosity Shop was enthusiastically received in the Victorian Age as a symbol of innocence. Dostoevsky named his orphan after Dickens’ heroine, suggesting that Nellie shares Nell’s innocence.

　But while Nell’s innocence remains intact in spite of persecution, Nellie’s innocence is actually injured and damaged by her adverse environment. There is a gap between their characters, their similar names notwithstanding.

　The reference to Dickens’ Nell can be regarded as an allusion to the 1840s, an idealistic period in Russia when French utopian socialism was highly influential. Dostoevsky himself was a utopian socialist at the time. The Old Curiosity Shop was translated into Russian in 1843, and it is likely that Nell became an object of worship for the young Dostoevsky. Therefore, in The Insulted and Injured, the name of Nellie has a bitter irony. The narrator Ivan, who is a self-portrait of the young Dostoevsky, tries to save the weak. But he fails to save Nellie, whom he admired as an ideally innocent child, from her agony. Thus Nellie’s story may be read as a strong criticism of the idealism of the 1840s.

　Choi Seung-hee (1911-1969) was a Korean dancer who studied under Japanese contemporary dancer Ishii Baku, and performed in Korea, China, Europe, and America as well as in Japan from 1926. Many Japanese painters, especially those of the 1940s, produced Choi Seung-hee's dancing images.

　This paper examines the paintings and drawings of Choi Seung-hee's dancing in their proper historical context and attemps to clarify their creative processes.

　First, the works by Arishima Ikuma and by Yasui Sotaro, two artists who produced Choi Seung-hee's paintings upon her request, are analyzed. Choi Seung-hee managed to present the images of “Japan” and “Korea”, and then “East” and “Korea” juxtaposed in her pictures.

　Second, the sketches by Kaburagi Kiyokata which evoked the image of “Korea” of the 1940s, as well as the statues and painting by Ishii Tsuruzou, are analyzed. Through the analyses of their productions, I have shown how the painters attempted to appropriate Choi Seung-hee as a subject of the Japanese empire.

　This paper examines how art works are produced under political pressure by examining Choi Seung-hee’s pictures and statues. It shows that such a “political” rendition promoted Choi Seung-hee's popularity by providing the painters with a new subject during the war period, a time when there were considerable restrictions on the freedom of artistic expressions.

　Saito Mokichi is one of the distinctive figures of modern tanka poetry and his career has been the focus of a great deal of academic research. The tanka theory shasei-setsu, which Mokichi developed in the 9th year of Taishô (1920) has been repeatedly discussed by researchers. However, the sources of the concept of shasei-setsu are still yet to be fully explored.

　The concept of the traditional sketch theory simply involved portraying "nature" as it was. However, rather than portraying "nature" as separated from the poet’s self, Mokichi tried to express a unification of "nature" and the poet's self. Although it was certainly Mokichi's idea to adapt this notion to the tanka, it seems that Nietzsche's artistic view provided some inspiration for the emergence of this way of thinking.

　This paper discusses two points: Nietzsche's view of the lyric poet and the technical term Rausch [rapture]. Nietzsche thought that lyric poets had the ability of "unification" and "fusion." This paper also confirms that, as if in response to Nietzsche's view, the capability of "unification" came to be demanded within Mokichi's theory. Moreover, as concerns the term Rausch [rapture], it is confirmed that Mokichi used it in almost the same way as did Nietzsche.

　Therefore, I conclude that Mokichi’s principle of tanka creation shasei-setsu, including the idea of "unification of nature and the poet’s self", was influenced by Nietzsche's artistic view.

　Dass Mori Ōgais Roman Wellenschaum unter dem Einfluss der deutschen Romantik entstanden ist, ist wohlbekannt. Dies wird deutlich in dem Gemälde, auf dem die Heldin Marie als Loreley auf dem Rheinfels erscheint. In der bisherigen Forschung scheint man jedoch die Romantik von Wellenschaum nur eingeschränkt zu verstehen, oft wird auf das märchenhafte Bild oder die stimmungsvolle Umgebung referiert. Die deutsche Romantik hatte jedoch auch einen politischen Charakter, indem sie sich auf der Suche nach der vaterländischen Tradition mit der nationalistischen Bewegung des 19. Jahrhunderts verband.

　In der vorliegenden Abhandlung wird versucht, solche nationalistisch-romantischen Momente im Roman herauszuarbeiten. Dabei rücken die zwei Personifikationsfiguren in den Vordergrund: die Bavaria und die Germania. Die Bavaria, deren Standbild im Roman mit der Heldin verglichen wird, wird hier nicht als klassische Kolossalfigur, sondern als germanische Schutzgöttin analysiert. Anschließend wird das Loreley-Motiv im Zusammenhang mit dem Bild Germania auf der Wacht am Rhein untersucht, das besonders im deutschfranzösischen Krieg als ein patriotisches Sinnbild das deutsche Volk begeistert hat. Dadurch soll deutlich gemacht werden, dass es Ôgai gelungen ist, die deutsche Romantik, die in Japan oft im poetischen und ästhetischen Sinne erfasst wird, in ihrer politischen Eigenschaft darzustellen.

　“Chang-han-mong,” a Korean adaptation of a Japanese novel, has been adapted into a wide variety of genres and media -from plays to films to popular songs. This study inquires into how these adaptations have affected the way people regarded “Chang-han-mong” in contemporary Korean society.

　“Chang-han-mong,”was adapted from Koh-yo Ozaki’s Konzikiyasha and published serially in the Korean newspaper Maeil Shinbo from May 13 to October 1, 1913. Before long, it became a major repertoire of Sin-pa drama, gaining immense popularity and giving rise to a large number of film and popular song adaptations. Many pastiches based on the adaptation also appeared and rapidly filtered into Korean popular culture. Interestingly though, “Chang-han-mong,” along with one of its best known adaptations, “Yi sooil & Shin soonae,” is today criticized for its distinctly Japanese style and extreme sentimentalism that influenced public opinion regarding the situation of colonial Korea. While the novel is acknowledged as a work that best reflects the public mind, it is also regarded as a colonial legacy which should be abolished. However, it cannot be denied that its evaluation as Japanese style Sin-pa has been founded mostly on the image of the mixed-media “Chang-han-mong” rather than the original literary work.To explain why “Chang-han-mong” is regarded as having a Japanese style and a showpiece of Sin-pa drama requires consideration of its transformation outside of the literature category periphery and the way it was accepted by the public.

　In the magazine Taiyo published in 1896, Uchida Roan (1868-1929) offers his translation of Cho-Zo-Shi, a tragic love story of unknown origin. The author of this paper has discovered that the original can be traced back to The Story of the Sculptor written in 1885 by Hugh Conway (1847-1885), a popular English novelist of the same period.

　This paper attempts to clarify Uchida’s motivation for translating The Story of the Sculptor. Although he never specified his reasons, his motives may be rooted in his early criticism of Koda Rohan’s Fu-Ryu-Butsu (1889). That is, in spite of his constant praise of Fu-Ryu-Butsu, Uchida was actually dissatisfied with one aspect of the epilogue. By referring to this criticism, this paper aims to clarify the incentive of Uchida’s translation.

　The protagonists in both Conway’s The Story of the Sculptor and Koda’s Fu- Ryu-Butsu share many similarities. For example, in both novels the protagonist, a sculptor, carves a statue of the woman who left him due to his socially low status as a sculptor. However, the epilogue in each tale has clearly a different outcome. Unlike Fu-Ryu-Butsu, Conway's The Story of the Sculptor does not depict illusory descriptions in the epilogue, but realistically describes the depravity of the sculptor who lost his love.

　One accepted interpretation of this translation is that Conway’s The Story of the Sculptor is a western realistic version of Fu-Ryu-Butsu seen through Uchida’s critical eye.

　In the early Republic of China, various intellectual figures expressed their arguments regarding the interpretive meaning of “Freedom of love” and “Free Love” in magazines such as Xingingnian (新青年) and Funüzashi (婦女雑誌). In almost exactly the same period, Zhang Ziping (1893-1959), a Chinese student studying in Japan, published in the 1920s many romantic novels carrying the fragrance of the Meiji and Taisho periods of Japan.

　His novels in the first half of 1920s depicted "expressed free love," while being restricted to old Chinese beliefs and the marriage system. However, his works after the release of his adapted novel "Feixu (飛絮)" in August 1925 were different from his past works, and it started characterizing a woman who, as the heroine, breaks the barriers of old ways of thinking, aspires for the so called "Free Love," and even engages in this "Free Love."

　The meaning of "Free Love" for Ziping implies Freedom of Love in a Woman, where a woman seeking happiness even outside of marriage. From this angle, Ziping's assertion was similar to that of the intellectual figures of the time, i.e. Zhang Xichen and Zhuo Jianren. However, the content of Ziping's novels can be perceived both positively as well as negatively, and it can be assumed that the "Notion of Free Love" of Zipping himself was "vacillating" and it was not in line with the standpoint of other intellectual figures.

　This paper investigates four works by Bang Jung-Hwan: “The Prince and the Swallow,” “The Little Musician,” “The Deaf Ducks,” and “The Shipwreck.” These works were early works of the 1920s, coinciding with Bang Jung-Hwan's period of overseas studies in Japan. In doing so, this paper aims to shed light on the originality of Bang Jung-Hwan.

　Considering Bang Jung-Hwan's first translation, “The Prince and the Swallow,” this paper re-introduces the general principles of “sentiment,” and “naiveté” found in his works. In previous studies, the characteristics of Bang Jung-Hwan and Saitô Sajirô’s translations have been considered. Through a strict comparative analysis of Bang’s retranslation with the drafted translation of Saitô Sajirô and the original “The Happy Prince” by Oscar Wilde, this paper clarifies the differences between the two translations, and attempts to uncover the originality of each.

　This paper suggests that within the Bang Jung-Hwan translation there is a tendency towards plot development through the speech of the characters and detailed and dynamic descriptions. This paper also demonstrates that he made adaptations in order to communicate more intensely sadness and other feelings in various scenes.

　Bang Jung-Hwan has been referred to as the “father of Korea’s children's literature,” and researchers have often discussed exclusively his religious ideas and the children’s literature movement he inaugurated in Korea, often without conducting close analyses of his texts. This paper claims that his works should also be discussed in terms of his narrative devices and idiosyncratic expressions.

　The Korean magazine Literature for Common People, subsidized by the Korean government, publised Taeback Mountain serially from February 1943 to October 1943. Written in Japanese, it is believed to be the one piece of literature written by Saryang Kim with the most accurate account of that era. It gives details of the rivalries that existed due to the influences of China and Japan because of Taebaek Mountain’s location. In Taebaek Mountain, two national ideals are drawn, the national ideal of the people and the national ideal of new cooperation with Japan. These two different ideals had their own beliefs of justice and emphasised the legitimacy of the “nation’s” formation.

　In accordance with the main subject, this paper focuses on these two ideals and considers the action of the chief characters who insisted on the legitimacy of the “nation’s” formation while using the concept of “ justice.” Furthermore, this paper analyses the logic of the chief characters who insisted on the legitimacy of the nation’s formation while paying attention to the concept of justice and the notion of “just war” in the East Asian context. In addition, the ambiguity of this concept is noted and different types of “justice” logic are examined.