Muslim jurists draw a distinct line between childhood and adulthood, and according to Islamic law the legal capacity of a person changes drastically at the point of puberty. Puberty is basically defined by elements of physical maturity, or at the age stipulated by each legal school in the absence of such physical signs. Although minors are not considered to be subject to Islamic law, there are numerous rules concerning children found in Islamic legal texts. These rules have two main aspects; a code of conduct for adults in treating children, and the legal capacity of the children themselves. The minor is not considered completely incompetent meaning his/her legal capacity evolves until maturity. According to some studies based mainly on Hanafi texts, childhood is divided into two stages, "the infant stage" which begins from birth onwards and "the tamyiz stage" which begins at approximately the age of seven and ends at puberty. During the latter stage, the child is known as sabi mumayyiz and his/her legal restraints are partly emancipated. The notion of tamyiz is an indicator for the change of legal capacity. This notion became common in Maliki texts at least from the 13th century onwards, although it is not found in the Qur'an nor earlier legal texts of any school of law. The purpose of this study is to examine the significance of this notion in the Maliki school. In chapter II, al-Mudawwana, the most authoritative Maliki text established in the 9th century, is examined in order to provide an overview of the normative doctrines concerning changes of legal capacities. It was observed that the legal capacity changes gradually over the course of childhood. In chapter III, through the analysis of later Maliki texts from the 13th century onwards, it is shown that a sabi mumayyiz who has gained tamyiz in Maliki texts represents a murahiq, a traditional term meaning "a nearly adult person" or a child of 10 years old and over with an equal capacity to the former, and the introduction of this new concept, tamyiz, to the legal texts did not modify the normative doctrines in any way in terms of the legal capacity. As to why the definition derived from Hanafi's does not fully apply to Maliki's, it can be explained by comparing some Hanafi and Shafi'i texts. The differences in the definition among schools correspond to the normative doctrines of each school. The later Maliki texts adopted a new idea to divide childwood into two stages through the notion of tamyiz as representing a criteria for the change of legal capacity while continuing to maintain the original normative doctrines. To address the question of how and why the notion of tamyiz was introduced to Maliki texts, the following three remarks are presented; the result of the scholarly interaction, practical needs, and the influence of the development of ethical thought.

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In contemporary Egypt, there are at least 78 tariqa authorized by the National Sufi Supreme Council. The purpose of this essay is to elucidate the actual conditions and activities of one of the official tariqa, Jazuliya Shadhiliya. Jazuliya Shadhiliya has its origin in 1952 when Jabir Husayn Ahmad al-Jazuli (1913-92) began his activities in Cairo. Now, his son Salim Jabir Husayn Ahmad al-Jazuli (1952-), who works as the president of an advertising agency, has become the second shaykh. Incidentally, this tariqa was authorized in 1995. The reason for having chosen Jazuliya Shadhiliya from a number of tariqa as the subject of study is that it is a new type of tariqa adapted for modern society, mainly influenced by the changes in the living environment of the urban middle and upper middle class. Jazuliya Shadhiliya is established on a division-of-work system in which the shaykh is the principal figure and the other members are organized respectively into groups according to the blue, green and white, each of which is assigned a specific role. This has led to an increased efficiency in organization and management. Moreover, the active participation of women, the sale of various religious goods corresponding to the consumer market, the use of various media such as the internet, and the abundant use of modern technology such as large speakers and video cameras also reflect adaptation to modern society. Furthermore, besides modernization and administrative changes, it is worth remarking that the emotional expressions and bold physical movements associated with the trance-like states achieved in prayer are welcomed and encouraged, although this has been strongly criticized by the modern Muslim intelligentsia. Although such free expression of emotion is commonly seen in the traditional tariqa, modern tariqa tend to strongly discourage such behavior. By investigating the details of Jazuliya Shadhiliya in which reside both traditional and modern aspects we may understand the significance of Jazuliya Shadhiliya in contemporary society. The primary reason that Jazuliya Shadhiliya was able to achieve this innovation is the open-mindedness and versatile accomplishments of the founding shaykh. The founder of Jazuliya Shadhiliya was active in his many leadership roles : as a government official who worked for a typical modern bureaucracy, a religious advisor, a saint with the power to perform miracles, the object of mystical worship, a liaison to the community and a father-figure to a closely knit and affectionate community. It can be concluded from this study that the founder and core figure of this religious group being a modern and multitalented man was a considerable influence in the success of Jazuliya Shadhiliya in uniting many features within a single religious group. That is to say, such a shaykh has been able to fulfill the religious needs of the contemporary urban middle class. He has attended to the desire for a more cooperative form of religion which has emerged from the collapse of the traditional community. He has also addressed the desire for a different doctrinal study from the intellectual system rooted in the tradition, which those educated in a secular educational system can respond to as well. Finally, this new system addresses the desire for a new religious style adapted to the lifestyle changes of today's consumerist society.

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Onsekizinci yuzyilin baslarinda Osmanli Devleti'nde resmi tarihci olarak vekayi'-nuvis (vak'a-nuvis) muessesesi kurulmustur. Vekayi'-nuvisler Osmanli Devleti'nin sonuna kadar tayin edilip eserlerini yazmaya devam ettiler. Islam tarih yazimi gelenegi icerisinde resmi tarihcilik sadece Osmanli Devleti'nde oldugu icin arastirilmaya deger bir konudur. Bundan onceki calismam muessesesinin ilk donemleri hakkindaydi ("Osmanli Devleti'nde Vekayi'-nuvis Muessesesinin Kurulusu (Japonca), " Shigaku Zasshi (Tarih Dergisi), 111/1 (2002)). Bu makalemde Na'ima Mustafa Efendi (olm. 1716) ile Sadrazam Sehid 'Ali Pasa tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid Mehmed Efendi (olm. 1735)'nin gercek anlamda resmi vekayi'-nuvis sayilamiyacagini iddia ediyorum. Devamli bir devlet hizmeti olarak vekayi'-nuvislik, kaimmakam (sonra Sadrazam) olan Nevsehirli Ibrahim Pasa'nin 1717de Rasid'e Tarih-i Na'ima'ya devam etmesini emretmesiyle baslamistir. O'nu takibeden Kucukcelebizade Isma'il 'Asim Efendi (olm. 1769) zamaninda muessese devam etmistir. Vekayi'-nuvislik muessesesi hakkinda yeterli arastirma yoktur. Muessesenin kurulusu ve olaylari kaleme alma tarzi goz onunde bulundurularak arastirilmalidir. Yapilan arastirmalara gore Na'ima genel olarak "dusunceli, tenkitci vs., " Rasid ve sonraki vekayi'-nuvisler "sikici, tenkitsiz vs." olarak degerlendirilir. Fakat hala Na'ima'dan baska ilk vekayi'-nuvisler hakkinda ciddi calisma yapilmamistir. Bundan dolayi bu makalede Na'ima, Rasid (Sehid 'Ali tarafindan tayin edildigi donem - Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edildigi donem) ve Kucukcelebizade'nin eserleri karsilastilarak degerlendirilmistir. Bu calismamda vekayi'-nuvislerin sahip olduklari ideolojik alt yapilari ve mesruiyet kuramlari ortaya konmaya calisilmistir. Karsilastirmayi net bir sekilde ortaya koymak icin asagda gosterilen dort nokta uzerinde durulmustur; 1 tarihin faydasi / 2 tarih yazimi / 3 "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi / 4 siyasal amac. Na'ima, tarihin faydasi uzerine etraflica dusunmus ve tarih yazimi olarak yedi usulden bahsetmistir. "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi de olmustur. Onun siyasal amaci ise Na'ima'nin intisab ettigi Sadrazam Amcazade Huseyin Pasa'nin akdettigi Karlofca Andlasmasi (1699)'nin mesruiyeti olmustur. Bunu eserinin mukaddemesinde gorebiliriz. Sehid 'Ali tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid, ilk uc nokta hakkinda pek bahsetmemektedir. Siyasal amac olarak Sehid 'Ali'nin seferlerini (Venedik ve Avusturya'ya karsi) cok basarili bularak bu seferleri ovmustur. Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid, onsozde Na'ima'yi ornek alarak yazacagini belirtmistir. Halbuki buna ragmen Na'ima gibi yazmamis, esas olarak Sehid 'Ali doneminde kendi tarzini kullanmistir. Siyasal amac, Nevsehirli tarafindan akdedilen Pasarofca muahedesi (1718)'nin mesruiyeti idi. Kucukcelebizade ise Rasid'i tamamen taklit ederek yazmistir. Ayni zamanda Nevsehirli'nin Dogu siyasetini - Iran'a kadar asker gonderme (1723) ve Carlik Rusya'si ile anlasmayi (1724) - basarili bulmus ve ona ovguler yagdirmistir. Sonuc olarak diyebiliriz ki, Na'ima ve sonraki vekayi'-nuvisler (Rasid ve Kucukcelebizade) arasinda tarihin faydasi, tarih yazimi, "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi hakkinda cok farkli gorusler olmus ve bunun sonucunda yazma usulunde degisikler ortaya qikmistir. Siyasal amac da, herkesin kendi patronunun mesruiyeti icin calismasidir. Rasid, Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edilirken Na'ima'yi ornek alarak yazacagini soylemesine ragmen ilk uc nokta uzerine Na'ima'dan cok farkli bir sekilde yazmistir. Demek ki, resmi tarih yaziminda vekayi'-nuvislikte

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Since World War II, every region of the world has witnessed a dramatic expansion in education, and the Middle East is no exception. The enrollment rate in Jordan's schools has increased more rapidly than in other countries of the region, and it is now regarded as one of the "successful" countries that could attain educational expansion. The few studies which have been conducted on the educational expansion in Jordan have focused solely on the functional analysis of domestic factors. Little attention has been paid to the relationship between the various actors in expanding their education, such as the state, its people, international aid organizations, as well as social change in neighboring countries. It is inevitable for a small country like Jordan to be influenced by external factors. This paper examines the process of educational expansion in Jordan, from 1950 to 1998, divided into two phases, focusing on the relationship between the three actors, the state, international aid organizations, and the people. In the initial phase of expansion (1950-81), the state began to make an effort to increase the number of educational facilities and teachers at all levels of education. Consequently, in this period, the enrollment rate at primary schools increased to almost 100%. However, a close look at the relationship between the actors will reveal that there was a difference between the policies of the state and those of international aid agencies; the former focused on expansion at all levels of education including high schools and universities, the latter on that of vocational schools only. In the latter phase (1982-98), the state, which had been suffering from an economic crisis, had changed its policies towards emphasizing vocational training, based on the suggestions of the World Bank. The aid agencies had grown increasingly powerful in their influence, so that there was little room left for the state to hold its own educational policies. A further discrepancy grew between the state and the people. Although the state had changed its policies, the people themselves had never changed their attitude towards education, and they continued to seek higher academic education with little interest in vocational education. A comparison between the two phases makes it clear that educational expansion is never a completely harmonious phenomenon between its actors, as if often believed, and that each actor has its own goal concerning education. Furthermore, it can also be said that the expansion of education is influenced not only domestic factors, but by global trends as well as regional social changes.

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