In the second half of the nineteenth century, belediyye (municipality) was established in major Ottoman cities. Its principal role was to maintain public health by means of street cleaning and disinfection. Though it was the autonomous body, a Provincial Health Inspector (Vilâyet Sıhhiyye Müfettişi) regularly examined the task of sanitary services offered by the municipality. Also, he often ordered it to take preventive measures such as a medical care for the poor and a vaccination for children. Street sweepers who were recruited by Dutch auction cleaned the street, collected the garbage and disinfected the city. Hygiene guidelines issued by the municipality instructed its inhabitants on how to maintain public health. But at the same time, these kinds of municipal services were strongly demanded by inhabitants of Izmir who considered it essential to keep the environment clean in order to defend against poisonous air. Thus, it can be said that the sanitary reform of the municipality was not only the top-down process, but also the bottom-up process. Personal hygiene was stressed as well as public hygiene. With the progress in bacteriology, the sanitary measure in this period seems to have become an individual thing.

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This article considers role and meaning of the village association, which organized by people originally from countryside in Egyptian city, based on anthropological participant observation. The member of the association extends from migrant workers to the people who was born and raised in the city, and have countryside-born farther. All of them are related to Sohag Governorate in Upper Egypt. This article explains each role of head office of the association and branch one and how different those. Head office acts as branch office’s deputy for administrative office of the Ministry of Social Solidarity. On the other side, branch offices have subsequent member. Then, the article analyzes the motive of joining the village association for the member who take part in branch office. The point of the motive is not only the aid, but also getting to know many kinds of people from same hometown who have different job and social level. The latter is more important than the former for daily life of the city where many stranger live in. In conclusion, the meaning of the village association in the city is the one of the choices to know the people in the name of the hometown. According to the associational law No. 84, the association manages activities as much as religious or trade associations do. Only difference is the membership whether same hometown, religion, or profession. Through the association, the members create their social networks and their identities, and recognize many kinds of people together with knowing the city itself.

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This study examines a dispute between the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and Kingdom of Portugal over the north area of al-Maghrib al-Aqṣā, as well as the relationships between the sultan and his vassals in the Northern Frontier, which bordered the Portuguese occupied territory in the late 15th century. Muḥammad al-Shaykh al-Waṭṭāsī, the first sultan of the dynasty, concluded a peace treaty with Afonso V of Portugal in 1471, one year before the dynasty was established, in which he recognized Portuguese possessions in North Africa. Despite the temporal suspension of this treaty between the death of Afonso V (1481) and the disaster of the Graciosa expedition (1489) by his successor João II, it established a semblance of peace in the area until its final expiration around 1500. During this period, the sultan organized defense structures against Portuguese raids by appointing influential persons as the local governors in important towns of the frontier and providing for them financial and military aid. Although they enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, there existed vertical relationships between them and the sultan, and when ‘Alīb. Rāshid, a frontier governor preached Jihād and revolted in Shafshāwun, the sultan succeeded in subjugating him. This success demonstrates that the royal authority of the dynasty was recognized to be legitimate in the country.

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本稿では、オマーンの東アフリカ統治（18世紀初頭～1890年）をめぐる歴史を現オマーン政府がいかに認識し、国史を形成しているのかを、国定社会科教科書および指導教本における記述の分析から明らかにする。東アフリカ統治をめぐる歴史叙述に関して社会科教科書に共通してみられる特徴は、第一にオマーンの領土を最大化したブーサイード朝君主サイードが英雄として描かれ、その領土が「オマーン帝国」として説明されている点。第二に、アフリカにイスラームとアラブ文明をもたらし繁栄させたことをアピールすることで、間接的に東アフリカ統治を正当化している点。第三に現地民との共存共栄が強調されている点。第四にオマーン人が東アフリカで関与していた奴隷制に関する記述が排除されている点。最後に植民地主義の不在、つまり東アフリカ統治に対して「植民地（主義）」「征服」「支配」といった語彙が慎重に避けられている点が挙げられる。これらの特徴は、教科書に限ったことではなく、東アフリカ出身のオマーン人によるザンジバルの歴史書にも共通してみられる特徴で、典型的な植民地主義正当化論に近い。だが第五点目については、オマーンに続いてザンジバルを統治したイギリスの植民地主義批判に満ちあふれ、それと対置する形で平等主義的なオマーン統治が語られている個人による歴史書に対し、教科書ではイギリスによる統治を植民地主義として捉える姿勢がみられない。こうした公的な出版物独自の記述特徴は、現政権とイギリスの関係性に由来していると考えられる。社会科教科書におけるオマーン帝国は、複数の民族や宗教・宗派が平和的に共存し、インド洋交易の拠点として世界各地とつながり、すでにグローバルな空間が実現されていた、まさしく理想として語られている。政府は1970年に誕生した「オマーン人」が共通して誇れるようなオマーン帝国という過去の栄光を設定し、それをナショナル・アイデンティティの源泉のひとつとして教科書を通じて普及させているが、現在でも新聞やテレビなどのメディアおよびアカデミックな場を通じてその概念を積極的に再生産しているのである。

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