日本中東学会年報
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
1 巻
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
  • [記載なし]
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. I-VII
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小杉 泰
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 1-33
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Studies in contemporary Middle Eastern politics tend to see, when Islamic elements are strongly involved as in the Iranian Islamic Revolution, Sunni or Shi'ite peculiarities in them. Hence, for example, the present Iranian regime is cosidered to be a Shi'ite theocracy, and the Sunni-Shi'ite rivalry is emphasized in the political tension in the Gulf region. But peculiarities can be discerned only in the framework of general characteristics. We cannot distinguish what is particularly Sunni from what is Shi'ite without knowing what is more commonly Islamic. This is much more so in the contemporary scene, where we cannot reduce Islamic elements to the historical Sunni-Shi'ite cleavage. This article deals with the Islamic political ideas which either are given substance in contemporary political movements or are potentially of political importance, so that we may understand what people in the Middle East intend to realize, before judging their behavior by conventional Western standards. After making a sketch of general Islamic political concepts through the works of present day Arab scholars of political science, Law and Islamic history, a comparison is made on two levels, using this sketch. Firstly, two ideologues who pointed to the Islamic government as "the governance of the jurist" are put together. In the Sunni world, Muhammad Rashid Rida, the moving spirit of the Manarists, constructed the theory of Khilafah al-Mujtahid (the Caliphate of the Jurist) in the 1920s, while it was put forward as Vilayat-i Faqih (the Guardianship of the Jurisconsult) by Ruhollah Khomeini in the Shi'ite milieu. Secondly, two "Islamic Constitutions" are examined closely: A Draft Islamic Constitution written by the Sunni 'ulama' in Egypt in 1978, and the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, inaugurated in 1979, which is considered to reflect the Shi'ite tradition. Through these comparisons, many common characteristics are found. Among these are: the idea of the Divine Sovereignty; the human being as its trustee; division of the political power which stems from the Divine Sovereignty into Islamic Law and the 'Ummah (the community), hence the double structure of political power; the primary of Islamic Law and its practical bearer, the 'ulama'; emphasis on the unity of the 'Ummah and the anticolonialist tendency; recognition of the existence of plural states within the 'Ummah, provided they take a unified stand in international relations; emphasis on the Shura (Consultation), which is the basis for the idea of Islamic democracy. These common characteristics, or the similarity in general, would be explained by the fact that they all belong to the stream which manifests itself as "movements for the revival of Islam". These movements and their leaders try to reconstruct Islamic political ideas which would work in the contemporary world. This separates them from the traditionalists who attach themselves to classical issues including the Sunni-Shi 'ite differentials.
  • 田村 愛理
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 34-61
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Comparing between two periods when Muslim=Copt conflict arose: 1906-19 and 1972-81, this article re-examines the rise and accommodation of the conflict that has been widely regarded to be the ethno-religious. The analysis of both cross-ethnic and intra-ethnic tension is conducted so as to delineate the transformation, not the primordium, of group identity in both communities. This article argues that the change in group identity took place in the course of socio-economic changes. In each period of concern, socio-economic transformations challenged the traditional political structure, and triggered the re-alignment of cooperation and conflict within as well as between the Muslims and the Copts. Although the "emergence" of conflict between the Copts and Muslims seems to indicate the symbolic importance of religion, the actual process analized in this article illustrates that neither community is monolithic. It was not nationalism/communalism but fundamentalism , both Islamic and Christian, that can attract the people whose interests were infringed under the new nation-state system.
  • Hassan Hanafi
    原稿種別: Article
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 62-105
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 片倉 邦雄
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 106-149
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    1973年のいわゆる「オイル・ショック」までの日本の中東政策には、アラブ寄り中立といわれてもよいような客観的事実が存在した。敗戦直後の日本は国連パレスチナ分割決議には無関係であり、中東には植民地も持たず手が汚れていないという自負があった。国連加入後も、アラブ・イスラエル紛争には「中立」を標榜していたが、パレスチナ難民救済機関(UNRWA)にも応分の寄与をしていることは知られていた。しかも、1971年、ファイサル・サウディアラビア国王が訪日した際の共同声明ではパレスチナ人の正当な権利が明確にうたわれ、その後の国連総会決議でも投票パターンの変更が行われた。日本の要人がアラブ産油国を訪問するときにはきまって消費国連合反対を明らかにしていた。しかし、石油戦略が開始されると、中東におけるかつての植民地宗主国、英仏は「友好国」扱いされ、日本は石油供給カットの対象になる「非友好国」扱いにされているらしいことが次第に明らかになった。政府当局者、関係業界は、工業生産、国民大衆の消費生活に未曾有の衝撃を与える供給カットに直面し、真剣に過去の中東政策を再検討し、いかにして英仏並みの取扱いを受けることが可能か独自の情報収集・分析の必要にせまられた。73年11月22日の二階堂官房長官声明は、それらの情報に基づき、米国の立場、イスラエルの生存権をも考慮して割り出したギリギリの外交的選択であった。キッシンジャー元国務長官の回顧録によると、米国はこの日本の政策転換を、日本の指導者がエネルギー需要を冷静に計測した結果、生存のためには止むをえぬものとしてとった措置であり、しかも米国とのミゾを最小限にとどめようと努力した結果であったと評価している。筆者は三木特使の中東八ケ国歴訪に随行しアラビア語の通訳を担当したが、自らの見聞を記録に留め、また当時特使の経済顧問として同行した大来佐武郎元外相の回顧録『東奔西走』なども参照しつつ、アラブ世界の両巨頭、サウディアラビアのファイサル国王、エジプトのサダート大統領との会談を通じてアラブ石油戦略の網をいかに切りひらき、12月25日の対日石油供給制限解除決定へもち込んだかをふりかえってみた。日本は第一次石油危機の経験から学んだ。一面では、エネルギー集団保険機構たるIEAに加入し、省エネ・需要抑制効果と供給過剰(グラット)の市況とによって、危機管理能力は強化された。イラン・イラク戦争激化によるホルムズ海峡閉鎖の脅威にもパニックを起こすことなく冷静に対処してきている。他方、イラン人質事件、ソ連のアフガニスタン侵攻、イラン・イラク戦争という危機に直面して、西側先進工業国間には協調の動きがみられ、特に日本・EC間の対米共同歩調が試みられたことは、新たな「創造的外交」の局面として注目される。
  • 黒田 安昌
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 150-187
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    1973年十月戦争にともなって生じたエネルギー危機における日本の対アラブ外交の推移、ことに二階堂官房長官のステートメントに至る過程を、入手し得る諸資料に基いて分析し、マイケル・ヨシツ氏の研究で紹介された法眼外務事務次官(当時)の認識を批判的に吟味するとともに、日本の親アラブ政策への転換なるものの内実を検討した。
  • 余部 福三
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 188-216
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In course of the early centuries of Arab rule Andalus had been steadily Arabicied and Islamicized. But even in the latter half of the ninth century the Arabs and the muwalladun, the Muslim indigenous people, had not yet lost their identity and hated each other. On the other hand the muwallad noblemen, who had concluded treaties with the Arabs at the time of their conquest, largely preserved their traditional prerogatives over their men and continued to rule their vast domains on condition that they should pay tributes to the Arab authority in token of the allegiance. Sometimes they stopped paying tributes and attacked cities, villages, and highways under the governmental rule. Under the rather strong rule of Hakam I and Abd al-Rahman II. helped by the foreign mercenaries and the muwallad noblemen incorporated in the governmental army, the Umayyads steadilv strengthened their rule over the muwallad noblemen and threatened their traditional status. Many muwallad noblemen reacted by taking arms against the Umayyads. Among them were Banu Qasi of Tudela, Banu Marwan of Merida, Daysam b. Ishaq of Tudmir, and Umar b. Hafsun of Reiyo. Umar succeeded in gainig support of his men and the indigenous people of the adjacent regions, both muwalladun and Christians, by appealing to their anti-Arab feeling. He armed them and settled them in the forts on tops of the mountains. Many other muwallad noblemen imitated him and allied with him. Thus Umar succeeded in founding a rather large state and even planned to supplant the the Umayyads for a while. On the other hand the Islamicization and the mingling of Arabs and muwalladun completed in the capital Cordoba and its environs. They had demanded the Umayyad amirs to respect Islam and shari a and even rioted against Hakam I. Later in the amirate of Abdullah the Umayyads succeeded in embodying themselves as Islamic State and began to gain the support of all the Muslims, both Arabs and muwalladun, Even Umar's muwallad men began to waver. Umar increasingly had to rely on the Christians. This is why he converted to Christianity. His conversion in its turn led to the defection of his muwallad men. After Abd al-Rahman III destroyed his state he took the title of the caliph, and thereby completing the Islamicization of the State.
  • 奈良本 英佑
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 217-252
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    1920年にはじまるイラクの反乱とトルコの民族解放戦争は,英仏による中東地域分割の試みに対する,アラブ・トルコ両民族主義者の武装抵抗として知られている.これらの先駆けとなったのが,1919年末からのユーフラテス上流の英占領軍に対するアラブの蜂起,1920年初頭のキリキアにおける仏占領軍へのトルコ民族主義者の攻勢であった.本稿の目的は,この2つの比較的小規模な蜂起と戦争の展開を跡づけ,この期間とその前後における両民族主義者,彼等の代表格たるファイサルとケマルのあいだのやりとりに関する史料を分析することである.両民族主義者の間で,1919-1920年にかけて部分的な軍事協力が行なわれたことはすでに知られている.しかし,この協力関係自体は,これまで,研究者の注目を引くことが少なかった.この関係が,単なる一時的,便宜的なものと考えられたからであろう.だが,筆者は,この協力関係が場当たり的なものではなく本格的な軍事・政治同盟に発展する可能性をはらんでいたのではないかと考えた.このような立場から,前記の2つの小反乱が,両民族主義者の事前の計画にもとずいて決行されたという仮説を立てた.ここで検討したのは主に英文の史料である.現段階ではこの仮説を証明することはできなかった.しかし,2つの小反乱が高度の戦略的判断によって同時並行的に行われた可能性はきわめて高いことがうかがわれた.当時のアラブ民族主義者の主敵はフランス,トルコ民族主義者の主敵はイギリスだったにもかかわらず,アラブは英軍,トルコは仏軍を攻撃したことに注目すべきである.英軍にとっての北イラク,仏軍にとってのキリキアは,中東地域における両大国のそれぞれ最も弱い環であった.アラブ・トルコ両民族主義者は,綿密な計画に基づき,当面の主敵を交換しあって,これら敵側の最も弱い環を攻撃し,両大国に最大の打撃を与えようとしたと考えられるのである.
  • 鈴木 均
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 310-331
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 浦野 起央
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 332-338
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
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  • 北川 誠一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 339-351
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
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  • Kazuo Takahashi
    原稿種別: Book Review
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 352-357
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 保坂 修司
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 358-383
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1875, Nagamine Hideki, a teacher at the Naval Academy, made a Japanese translation of the 1001 Nights from G. F. Townsend's English version. This was the first translation of the 1001 Nights in Japan. Since Nagamine, a number of translations have appeared, among which two complete translations were well-known and wide-spread, namely the one made from R.F. Burton's and the other from J. C. Mardrus'. All of these, however, were not made from the original Arabic, but were retranslations made from different European languages. In addition, most of the translators in Japan were not orientalists, but literary men who had no knowledge of Arabic and Islam. Among them were famous writers like Kawabata Yasunari and Kikuchi Kan, though many of their translations had been limited to juvenile stories. In 1966, the first translation of the Nights from the original Arabic was made by the late Maejima Shinji, who was then a professor at Keio University and a pioneer orientalists in Japan. His translation is entitled "Arabian Naito" in Japanese after the famous English title and based on Calcutta II (Macnaghten), emended by Bulaq, Breslau, Cairo, Beyrut and some other editions, and supplemented by a few independent texts like that of L. Langres. An additional volume in 1985, which contains "Ala ed-Din and the Marvellous Lamp" and "Ali Baba and the Forty Robbers", is based on H. Zotenberg's and D. B. Macdonald's respectively. By 1983, twelve volumes had been published and, after his death in 1983, Ikeda Osamu, a professor of Arabic at Osaka University of Foreign Studies, succeeded him. Maejima's translation which renders the whole text, though still being published, is very faithful to Calcutta II edition. His style, when compared with his predecessors', seems to be simple, dry and slightly old-fashioned but, at the same time, charming and veryreadable. As for the accuracy of his rendering, it can be compared with that of Enno Littmann which is said to be the best translation of the 1001 Nights. This accuracy and faithfulness to the original makes his work suited not only for entertainment but also for scholarly use. Maejima's translation has rich and valuable annotations which occupy about 20 pages in each volume and cover a wide field of Arab-Islamic cultures. He also adds a good epilogue at the end of each volume. He expended 20-30 pages for epilogue to analyze the stories contained in the volume and the 1001 Nights itself, to compare the texts and translations of the Nights, and to explain Arabic history, literature, society, religion, folklore and so on. This epilogue is based on the latest studies in Europe, the United States and Japan, and therefore is the most outstanding feature of Maejima's work in the history of the translation of 1001 Nights.
  • Fumio Kitamura
    原稿種別: Book Review
    1986 年 1 巻 p. 384-387
    発行日: 1986/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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