In this study, between ERPs (event-related potentials) for equivalent morpho-phonological possible and impossible nonwords are compared in terms of Turkish vowel harmony in an auditory mode. I researched processing of Turkish vowel harmony in the brain and relationships between N400 and morphophonological processing. In a small experiment, a native Turkish speaker listened to 20 sets of stimuli (papap, papep, papup…). Result: (1) For Turkish palatal harmony, the N400 value of peak amplitude for impossible nonwords is smaller than that for possible nonwords. (2) Turkish vowel harmony processing is associated with morphophonological processing and processing based on functional load. It appears that when Turkish palatal harmony rule is violated, response reflected on N400 toward presented stimuli is small, and also Turkish vowel harmony is parallely processed within the brain.

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現代アラビア語方言を分類する場合,必ずしも実際の生活形態と一致するものではないが,「定住民方言」と「遊牧民方言」とに分類する方法がある。一般的には古典アラビア語のqafが定住民方言は無声音で,遊牧民方言は有声音で実現される。Cohen(1970)は北アフリカの諸方言の短母音体系を観察し,定住民方言は/u/:/non-u/,遊牧民方言は/a/:/non-a/という短母音下位システムを持っていることを示唆している。一方長母音に目を向けると古典語の二重母音が長母音化している場合,遊牧民方言は5長母音体系,定住民方言は3長母音体系を持っていることがわかる。このことから5長母音体系と/a/:/non-a/短母音下位システム,3長母音体系と/u/:/non-u/短母音下位システムはそれぞれ密接に関係があるように見える。北アフリカでは短母音音素の数が1(Algiers-Jewish), 2(Tunis-Jewish), 3(Tunis-Muslim, Marazig), 4(Maltese, Hassaniya)など方言により様々であるが,本研究では各方言で観察しうる短母音の中和現象から,Cohenの提唱した下位システムがそれぞれの方言の短母音音素の数に関わり無く存在することを示し,またこの下位システムが古典アラビア語の二重母音の長母音化の課程にどのように影響を与えるかを明らかにする。

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the political perspectives of bedouins who joined the Ikhwan Movement. This study argues the process that the chief of the Mutayr tribe Faysal al-Dawish became a major Ikhwan leader from the perspective of examining the balance of power and the political rhetoric he used. Faysal al-Dawish had been an opportunistic bedouin chief and had resisted the expansion of the rule by Al Sa'ud before he joined the Ikhwan Movement. However, after the cities of the Qassim region were occupied by Al Sa'ud in 1907 and the northern desert became a target for tribal manipulation by the Ottomans in 1914, he reconciled with 'Abd al-'Aziz Al Sa'ud and pledged loyalty to him. Then he settled in hijrat al-Artawiyah. This was a political process of rational choice by Faysal to preserve political independence and to expand the territory of the Mutayr tribe as much as possible. Faysal engaged in propagating the Wahhabism to the bedouins since 1917 and started compeling his tribesmen to accept it by force in 1919. He voiced his opinion directly to 'Abd al-'Aziz that he wished to attack the enemy of the Wahhabis. He commanded an Ikhwan troop in the Battle of Hamd and the Battle of Jahra' in 1920. Thus, he became a leading figure in the Ikhwan Movement. However, relations between 'Abd al-'Aziz and Faysal were more complicated than to be simply called "Imam and subject." In one aspect, their relationship was an alliance which benefited both of them mutually in order to expand their territory. He never abandoned his ambition to expand his suzerainty. However, on the other hand, they were rivals in the fact that they were cautious about the increasing power of the other. They also competed for Islamic legitimacy in their political rhetoric.

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In the period from the First World War through the 1920's, there was a tension between the Hadhrami network and the British. Because of the internal struggle in the Hadhramaut and so-called Sayyid-Irshad dispute in the Hadhrami communities in Southeast Asia, the movements of "suspicious" or "undesirable" Hadhramis between the Southeast Asia and the Hadhramaut were carefully monitored and recorded by the British. The record now serves as useful sources to know about their movement and how they sent money to their homeland. The close observation of the way Hadhrami network actually worked reveals the fact that, although the term "Hadhrami Network" implies an autonomous network of people and goods independent of the economic system established by the European powers, the Hadhrami network functioned within the framework of transportation and remittance system built by Europeans in the Indian Ocean. In the twentieth century, the Hadhramis usually travelled between Southeast Asia and the Hadhramaut by European steamships, and used bank drafts issued by European banks to send remittance to their homeland. This observation, however, does not necessarily mean that the network was totally subordinated to the policy of the British. Due to the lack of necessary information, the British was unable to exercise total control over the movement of people and money. In any case, as long as the stability of the Hadhramaut was important for the British, the basic structure of the Hadhrami network was to be maintained. It was the occupation of Southeast Asia by the Japanese, the country which had no relation with the Hadhrami network, that virtually terminated the Hadhrani migration to Southeast Asia.

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It has always been necessary to define terms whenever discussing ideas about nationalism. The Ottoman Empire was no exception and possessed several terms referring to social, religious andethnic groups. The meanings of these terms, however, differed both according to the writers or the context in which writer was speaking, Semseddin Sami (1850-1904), who had an Albanian nationality, is credited with linguistic contributions to the Ottoman Empire. Especially he is recognized as an pioneer of cultural Turkish Nationalism by helping the growth of Turkish self-awareness. And also he is recognized as a pioneer of cultural Albania Nationalism by creating new letters for Albanian and other cultural contributions to Albania. The main purpose of this paper is to study the transformation of the self-identity of Semseddin Sami which seems tobe complicated by defining the terms for nationalism that were used by him from 1876 to 1882. In 1876 Sami published a dairy newspaper, Sabah in Istanbul. At that times the Ottoman empire was involved in the Eastern question. Sabah, therefore, spared many spaces for this question too. Sami regarded this situation as the crisis to Vatan (the Ottoman Empire) and claimed that an Ottoman nation should be united against this crisis. An idea of Ottoman nation was derived from the new policy Osmanlilik which granted non-muslims in the Empire full rights as Ottoman citizens, Referring to an Ottoman nation, Sami implied the equality between muslims and non-muslims as well. Five years later (1881) he published a magazin of enlightenment, Hafta. Sami showed the ideas of Vatan, which all Ottoman citizens should be demonstrate loyalty to, and an Ottoman Nation. We, however, can find a little change of idea of an Ottoman nation in his statements in Hafia. He defined an Ottoman nation as all Ottoman citizens among which there was no ethnic and national distinction. In fact his idea of Ottoman nation in Hafta came to be based on the ethnic and national equality, not the religious equality. As one of the reasons of this change, the Albanian issue (1878) could be counted. Whenever Sami refered to this issue he showed innate, sentimental attachment to another Vatan (Albania) as the fatherland of Albanians. The fact that this issue made his ethnic consciousness clearer and made him interested in ethnic groups around him could bring this change of the idea. Sami showed many interests to ethnic groups and used many terms to express the notion of ethnic groups in Hafta. First of all, the notion of ummet, which, is used in a religious sense in the Islamic world, conjured up a community where people spoke a common language buo lived beyond and geographic goundaries for Sami. The most widely used word meaning ethnic group in Ottoman Turkish was the term kavim. What constituted the difference between ummet and kavim for Sami was the population numbers involved and the scale of civilization which that population which that population had reached. He was convinced that every kavim could become ummet if it had its own language and literature as guidelines towards civilization. The word cins also came to be used to signify race. We find several examples of cins in Hafta. According to Sami's usages, cins denttes an ethnic group based on language, so for him, the term cinsiyet (an abstruct noun derived from cins) perfectly coincided with kavmiyet (the abstraction of kavim). In addition it was common for him to apply the term millet to an ethnic group (kavim) in Hafia. It can be easily recognized that Sami tried to regard Ottoman language as Turkish language and spread the Turkish self-awarenss among Ottoman Turks as for as this cotevt Hafia was concered. By the way, Sami, who identified himself as an Ottoman with Albasnian consciousness, gave a definition to being an Ottoman with ethnic consciousness. Being an Albanian was an innate and cultural consciousness for him. On the

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1970年代後半から80年代初頭にかけて,中東各地で急進的イスラーム復興主義が「噴出」した。政治イデオロギーとしてのイスラーム復興主義は,70年代にはその力を低下させていた世俗的ナショナリズムや社会主義のオルタナティヴとして台頭したといえる。こうした流れが顕著に見られた国のひとつとしてレバノンが挙げられる。内戦(1975-90年)による事実上の国家の崩壊が,既存のイデオロギーに対する幻滅感を生み,人々のイスラームへの回帰を促した。その象徴ともいえるのが,急進的なシーア派・イスラーム復興主義組織「ヒズブッラー(神の党)」の登場である。ヒズブッラーは,80年代内戦下のレバノンにおいて急速に勢力を拡大した。そして,革命的汎イスラーム主義の標榜やイスラエル・欧米勢力との衝突など,その影響力はトランスナショナルな広がりを見ゃた。こうしてヒズブッラーは,最も急進的な「イスラム原理主義」グループのひとつとして知られるようになる。しかし今日,このような一面的な認識やイメージは,大幅な修正を余儀なくされている。80年代末に始まった国際政治の「地殻変動」は,組織の存在理由を大きく揺るがした。ヒズブッラーは新たな現実に適応し,組織の存続を確実なものとするため,革命的イデオロギーの柔軟化や,92年と96年のレバノン議会選挙への参加,組織の再編成など,さまざまな政策・方針の転換をする。その結果,組織の性格はトランスナショナルからレバノン・ローカルへと変化しつつあるといえる。これまでの研究の多くは,こうしたヒズブッラーの変容を新たな国際秩序の確立に対する「後退戦」と捉えている。しかし実際は,ヒズブッラーは時代に適応するイスラーム復興の形態を積極的に模索しているのであり,むしろその「間接的」影響力はイスラーム世界,さらに国際社会においても拡大しているのではないか?本稿は,変容の背景・要因と政策・方針の転換を包括的に分析することで,ヒズブッラーの持つ今日的意味を再検証する。

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本論文は,日本のパレスチナ問題および中東和平プロセスに対する政策について,外務省が政策を公式に表明している『外交青書』を中心として分析するものである。1973年から1999年までを対象とする。外交青書は政策決定者の意見が表れ,彼らが政策において強調している個所を見極められるという点で高い資料価値があるにも関わらず,これまで十分に研究が行なわれてこなかった。本論文では,外交青書の内容を通商産業省の通商白書との比較を加えつつ分析した。外務省の対パレスチナ政策声明には3つの分岐点がある。1973年の第一次石油危機,89年以降のドナー大国化,湾岸戦争後の国際貢献への参加である。第1次石油危機によって公式に表明された政策は,急速に親アラブに傾いた。外交青書はイスラエルとの関係に一線を画すことを明言し,親アラブ色を前面に出している。次に,89年以降のドナー大国化により,日本政府は外交青書を通して経済的,物的支援一辺倒であった国際貢献を拡充することを提案している。それは90年代の湾岸戦争後に実行に移される。湾岸戦争の終結により,日本政府は国際的,国内的な世論の高まりを背景に,親平和政策をもとに「国際貢献」を推し進めることを表明した。1991年のマドリッド中東和平国際会議,1992年のモスクワ会議を経て,外交青書は日本政府の貢献を誇らしげに列挙している。また日本政府の国際貢献においてPKOとODAが90年代の主要な柱であることを表明している。外交青書の分析を通して,日本政府が2つの原則を主張していることが判明する。国連安保理決議242号,338号の遵守と,当事者の合意を前提として援助を行うという政策である。これらは日本政府の親平和政策に基づいており,武力による領地併合の不可,交渉による平和的解決という政策を反映している。外交青書は,平和の確立は当事者の合意に基づいて行われるべきであるという日本政府の政策声明を明示している。1993年のオスロ合意以後,日本政府がパレスチナ問題への政治的参加を開始したのは,平和構築を目指す当事者の合意が成立したと見なしたからである。対パレスチナ援助において,日本政府は外交青書を通じ,当事者の民生と独立以後のパレスチナ社会支援という観点から,一層の政治的参加の必要性を強調している。

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