日本中東学会年報
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
4 巻, 1 号
選択された号の論文の7件中1~7を表示しています
  • 堀内 正樹
    原稿種別: 本文
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 1-43
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article contains the description and interpretation of a saintly festival held in central Morocco. Saintly festivals, called "Moussem-s". are common to all areas in western Maghreb countries and about one thousand of Moussems are being held each year in Morocco. They have a great variety of characteristics according to their own localities and are embedded in each specific socio-symbolic context. It seems almost impossible to draw common features from all these Moussems, both in sociological and symbolic forms. The only abstract which we can obtain is, in my view, that the Moussem is a rare occasion of great gathering of rural people, and can be esteemed as "embodiment of society". Though this proposition, spoken out in a rather self-evident way, seems to be a matter of course, it still holds significant importance in the context of interpreting festivals and rituals. Religious festivals and rituals are often posited as extraordinary events which are separated from everyday life and constitute special domain that is opposed to mundane, profane and structured social world. But the Moussem of Sidi Sharqi demands a careful interpretation regarding this bifurcational opposition scheme. Its connotation in symbolic scene requests us to understand this tribal gathering as an extension and crystallization of daily social life. This feature finds its validity also in social context. The Moussem and weekly markets make the current personal networks observable in clearly embodied form and even produce the network itself. It is by no means cut from daily activities. The general theme that festivals have the features of "Communitus" is not applicable to this Moussem. This proposition underlies the whole description and interpretation of this article. After examining the meaning of the term "Moussem" and its distribution in Morocco (Chapter I), I shall report the outline of past three Moussems of Sidi Sharqi, which were held during 1985-1987 when I carried out my fieldwork there in Boujad. holy town of Sidi Sharqi (Chapter II). And in Chapter III, I describe the above-mentioned proposition from two view-points. First of which is the socio-economic aspect of participants to this Moussem. namely two major tribes Beni Zemmur and Smaala. Here, fluidity and amorphism in their segmentary structure comes to the main point. I shall mention that the gathering at the Moussem is a reflection of this daily fluidity in their tribal social conditions. And I shall also point out that the Moussem is a rare opportunity for tribesmen to act as a member of "tribe", because the tribal system has been undermined by national policy and its succeeding socio-economic change in general Moroccan scene. Moussem is not independent of social reality. The second aspect of the proposition shall be discussed in symbolic sphere. Time and space of the Moussem is examined by symbolic context and will be concluded that the gathering is continuation of everyday life, not separated from the mundane domain as has often been formulated in Turner or Leachian manner. Sacred symbol, Sidi Sharqi, stands by the Moussem and accordingly by the society. In other words, binary opposition comes into existence between Sidi Sharqi and the society produced by the Moussem. The gathering itself belongs to the mundane, not to the sacred. Finally. I shall discuss the relation between Sidi Sharqi and his Moussem (or Boujad society) from the view-point of "Stranger as the holiness" theme. Sidi Sharqi can be better understood when we see him as a stranger. He has many attributes which are peculiar to strangers possessing symbolic power. Conclusion is as follows; (1) Tribesmen are the main participants in the Moussem. (2) Tribal social structure is dominated by fluidity and amorphisra, which will decide the form of the Moussem. Importance is laid on detailed parts, not on the whole.

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  • 三浦 徹
    原稿種別: 本文
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 44-84
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    In Arabic Islamic cities the quarters (hara, mahalla) have always playing an important role as a unit of social life. But we have only a few speculative hypotheses-based on insufficient information-as to the external composition and the internal structure of these quarters. al-Salihiya Quarter in the suburbs of Damascus began as a settlement of the Qudama family, members of the Hanbali Law School who migrated to Damascus from Palestine after its capture during the Crusades. I have already clarified the history of its development in the Ayyubid period (570/1174-658/1260) in my previous article "The Urbanization of the Suburbs of Damascus" (The Toyo Gakuho, vol. 68, nos. 1・2, 1987). In this article I attempt to examine the composition of al-Salihiya Quarter and the role of the 'ulama' (religious and legal scholars) in the Mamluk period (648/1250-922/1517). In this period al-Salihiya Quarter comprised some thirty to forty smaller quarters called hara, which developed around such religious institutions as madrasa (college) and jami' (Friday congregational mosque). These were separated from one another and each contained an average of 20 houses and 140 persons, that is, one-sixth as many as a typical quarter of the old city intra muros. Some major quarters of them had large suqs (markets) and khans (caravansaraies), and al-Salihiya Quarter formed its own market independent of the old city. Religious institutions, e.g. madrasas, managed themselves by means of the waqf endowment and they engaged various offficials like nazir (administrator) and mudarris (professor). They paid such high officials as professor salaries ranging between 60 and 100 dirhams per month and provided all such officials and students with food, clothes and lodging through the waqf endowments, and periodically doled out special provisions to the poor as well. Professors were appointed by the Governor of Damascus. A scrutiny of all the professors appointed at the madrasas in al-Salihiya Quarter reveals the following salient features; 18% held plural offices of professor concurrently, and 23% held the offices of qadi (judge). The former office was regarded as a stepping stone to the latter. From the second half of 8th/14th century, prominent families began to inherit and then monopolize the offices of professor. There thus occurred many intense struggles for these offices among the 'ulama' during the 9th/15th century. The office of professor became both nominal and lucrative among them, particularly among the 'ulama' of the Shafi'i Law School, the most influential school in the Mamluk period. In opposition, the Hanbalis maintained their posture as religious leaders, defending the inhabitants of al-Salihiya Quarter in the Mongol invasion of 699/1300, then representing them in peace negotiation with Timur in 803/1401. Furthermore, some Hanbalis criticized the other 'ulama' for living on the salaries from waqf endowments. But in the first half of 9th/15th century, the 'Umariya madrasa, -the oldest and largest in al-Salihiya Quarter as well as the base for the Hanbalis-was opened to the four Sunni law schools in accordance with the demand of the Shafi'is. Thereafter, the Hanbalis were also involved in the trends of the age. At the end of the Mamluk period, most of the religious institutions in al-Salihiya Quarter were devastated owing to embezzlement of waqf endowments by nazirs and other officials, and also began deterioration of its smaller quarters. Ironically, it was the very lucrativeness of these offices which had pervaded since the 8th/14th century that caused the embezzlement and destruction as an inevitable consequence. Most 'ulama' were assimilated into the hierarchy of each law school and lost their influences as religious leaders of the inhabitants. Instead, outlaw groups called zu'r set up political movements of

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  • 岩井 秀子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 85-117
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    The term "wilayat-i faqih" began to attract an attention in the world after Ayatollah Khomeini expressed his view to Islamic government in the late 1960s as well as after the establishment of Islamic Republic of Iran. Usually, outside Iran, attempts have been made to examine this subject from the point of view of modern western political framework as it were a purely political matter. However, since "wilayat-i faqih", in concept and framework, essentially Islamic, it is necessary to look into it from the Islamic worldview and then to consider its significance to the people who are living in the Islamic socio-cultural environment. For this purpose, this paper tries to examine the concept of "wilayah" focusing on its politico-juridical development. It is no exaggeration to say that the dispute in the eighteenth century between the Akhbari school and the Usuli school formed a turning-point in the history of the Twelver-Shi'i jurisprudence. However, the opposition between the Akhbari and the Usuli currents was apparent in the Twelver Shi'ism from its begining. The main point of the difference is the method and the source which are applied in case questions arise in society. The Akhbaris, relying on the method of "taqlid", rely primarily on the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams as the source of the religious knowledge and just imitate and follow them. The "taqlid" of the Akhbaris had shown a tendency to negate all responsibility and to obey blindly. On the other hand, the Usulis are based on "ijtihad" which endeavours to deduce a judicial decree on the basis of authentic arguments of the "shari'ah". It demanded a knowledge of various branches of learning, and he who possessed a knowledge of them was called "mujtahid". The Usuli trend lost momentum in the seventeenth century because of the Akhbari resurgence through the work of Mullah Amin Astrabadi. Since then, the Akhbaris continued to flourish for some two hundred years andtraces of the idea of the Akhbaris are still to be found. However, the needs of the times in the nineteenth century chose the Usulis, because social circumstances changed more rapidly than before and in order to solve the newly rising problems, much more activities as well as knowledge of Islamic jurisprudence were required. Therefore, activism among "faqih"s arose along with the Usuli's popularity among people. Khomeini was not the first scholar to conceptualize the "wilayat-i faqih". Mullah Ahmad Naraqi in the nineteenth century was the first "mujtahid" to have proved that the "wilayat" in actuality of the Usuli sense was delegated to a "faqih" during the occultation of Imam. The "wilayat" in actuality is different from the "wilayat" in potentiality in the Akhbari's sense. Briefly speaking, the "wilayat" in potentiality is supposed to be delegated without any particular reason to all the jurisprudents regardless of their qualification, but on the other hand the "wilayat" in actuality is delegated to some able "faqih"s who are by virture of their knowledge and personality as mentioned before. Another important condition which enables a "faqih" to attain the "wilayat" in actuality is the generous support of people. In other words, even if a "faqih" is very much qualified in the knowledge, without the support of people, he cannot be a person to whom the "wilayat" is delegated. Therefore, at this point it should be rioted that the significance of the "wilayat-i faqih" as well as that of the "faqih" itself has been changed in the course of the Usuli interpretation. Repeatedly saying, the "wilayat-i faqih" is considered a social duty not as a source of power. When we look into the

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  • 水田 正史
    原稿種別: 本文
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 119-140
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アブドゥッラー・ハンナ
    原稿種別: 本文
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 141-174
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    デール・アティーヤ(文語ではダィル・アティーヤ)は、ダマスカス地方の山麓地帯に位置している.年間雨量は200mmを越えない.降雨は冬期に集中している.灌漑地は、ローマ式運河によって灌漑されている.この運河は、崩壊したあと、14世紀半ばに改修された.この灌漑地は穀類の作付や果樹が中心であり、土地所有では小土地所有が支配的である.他方、非灌漑地では穀類が作付られ、羊や山羊などの飼育が行われているが、このデール・アティーヤ村の非灌漑地は農民の共有地であった.19世紀末期に、デール・アティーヤからダマスカス市に移住する傾向が現れた.これは、ダマスカス市内の建築現場に職を求めての移動であった.また、1895年から1940年にかけて、多くの若者がラテン・アメリカに移住した.かれらの大半は移住地に定住したが故郷の近親者に送金を行っていた.これは、デール・アティーヤ村の復興と発展をもたらした.さらに、ダマスカス市や湾岸産油国への大規模な労働移動が起こった.この出稼ぎによって多くの労働者が豊かになり、村に大きな家を建築した.これは、村の景観を一変した.そして、村の人口は、15,000人に達した.デール・アティーヤ村の社会は、20世紀前半において、富農、中農、貧農、職工、および牧羊者から構成されていた.富農は、1926年に国有地を購入した.この国有地は、もともと村の共有地であったが、有力者たちがこれを一度国有地に転換したあと、問題にならないほど安い価格で手に入れた.富農たちは、古いローマ式運河を改修し、1937年には、そこに農業用水を引き入れた.これら一連の措置は、中農や貧農の怒りを買った.かれらは、富農による土地や水利の独占的な支配に対抗するために団結した.これち中農や貧農たちの農民運動は、リーダーとして、国家の日常業務に影響力を持っていた退職警察官を担ぎだした.農民たちは、村の各ハーラ(居住区)を代表する24人の農民で委員会を構成した.1942年には、配水の管理を行うため最初の農業協同組合を設立した.事実、1943年と1944年に、土地と水を手に入れたい一心の農民たちによって、5kmにも及ぷ運河が開削された.しかも、この作業は肉体労働によって原始的な手段で実施された.農業協同組合の規定は、1943年に発布され、1951年に改正された.それによれぱ、組合の目的は、農業用水の引き込みと分配、組合の土地にたいする植林、およびもめごとの話し合いによる解決となっていた.1945年9月、組合の執行委員会は、組合の土地に農民が開削した運河を利用して農業用水を引くことを決定した.土地と水利の所有形態は、もともと共同所有であった.しかし、1951年に、組合員たちに土地が分配されこれらの土地は個別に経営されるようになった.デール・アティーヤでは、外国人の宣教活動により教育が普及していた.1897年、ロシアがオーソドックス派グループを通じて学校を設立したが、これは1918年にシリア国家所有の学校となった.また、デンマーク系のプロテスタント宣教活動も活発となり、カラムーン地域(デール・アティーヤもこの地域に含まれている)に学校をいくつか設立した.さらに、イエズス会派も1920年後に学校を設立した.デール・アティーヤ村には、これらミッション系の学校の他に、コーランを教えるクッターブ(kuttab)もあった.しかし村民の多数派を構成していたイスラム教徒のなかにも教育熱心で上述のミッション系学校に通う者もいた.民族系の初等教育が活発となるのは独立を達成した40年代になってからのことである.それ以後、ミッション系の学校にかわって民族系の学校が次第に普及してきた.1950年、デール・アティーヤに「文化人連盟」が設立され、小学校及びそれ以上の証書をもつ若者たちがこれに加わった。この連盟が設立された本当の目的は、農民を支配していた有力者たちの影響力を弱体化させることにあったと言われている。連盟の規約をみると、第2条で、連盟の目的を規定し、デール・アティーヤの文化的・社会的状況の改善をあげている。このようにして、協同組合の役割は、1970年代の初めに終わりを迎えた。
  • 宮武 志郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 175-199
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article presents some Hebrew sources from the Ottoman period, with a stress on the "Response" (in Hebrew, "Sh'elot u Tshuvot" meaning "queries and replies"), written by the Jewish rabbinates, including Rabbi David Ibn Abi Zimra of Cairo. These Hebrew sources do not necessarily cover all aspects of Ottoman society but rather deal mainly with issues and affairs of the Jewish Communities of the period. Though supplementary as Professor Jacob Landau mentioned, they will surely shed lights on our understanding of the Jewish private commercial activities and their Mediterranean trade networks. They offer valuable information which is not included in the archival and chronicle sources of the Ottomans. Considering the extensive commercial activities of the Jewry, the Resonsa sources will have greater significance not only to Jewish studies specialists but also to reseachers of the Ottoman social and economic history and of the Mediterranean history as well.
  • 石川 克彦
    原稿種別: Article
    1989 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 289-292
    発行日: 1989/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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