1951年にイラン政府は、20世紀初頭以来、イギリス系アングロ・イラニアン石油会社（AIOC）の支配下にあった石油産業の国有化を宣言した。石油国有化を目指して一般民衆をも巻き込んでイラン全土で展開した、このナショナリズム運動は、石油国有化運動と呼ばれている。運動を率いたモサッデク博士をリーダーとする国民戦線は、石油産業の国有化を通して、外国の影響力を排除し、国家の独立と民主主義制度の確立の実現を主張し、多くの一般民衆を惹きつけ、運動に動員することに成功した。中でも、バーザーリーと呼ばれる、イランの伝統的商業区域、バーザールで働く商人や職人たちが、この運動に積極的に係わったことが多くの先行研究で指摘されてきた。先行研究を分類すると、バーザーリーの石油国有化運動参加の動機として、宗教指導者との密接な関係やバーザーリーの敬虔さを理由に宗教的要因を重視する説（宗教要因説）と、功利主義的な立場からバーザーリー自身による経済的利益の追求に注目する説（経済要因説）の二つに分けることができる。しかし、従来の説は、バーザール内の多様性を十分に考慮しておらず、また、バーザーリーの政治活動に関する具体的なデータに基づいて分析されていないという問題点を指摘することができる。従って、本稿は、バーザールの中でも、経済的にも政治的にも重要性の高いテヘラン・バーザールで働く人々（バーザーリー）に焦点をあて、上記の二説を実証的に検討することを目的とする。具体的には、ペルシア語紙『エッテラーアートEṭṭelā‘āt』新聞及び『バーフタレ・エムルーズBākhtar-e Emrūz』新聞から、モサッデク政権期（1951年4月～1953年8月）中にバーザーリーの参加した抗議活動を収集し、抗議活動の主催者及び共催者、クレイム（抗議イベントの中で唱えられた主張）に類型化した。収集された二つのデータセット、（1）バーザールの閉鎖（24件）、（2）バーザーリーの参加した抗議活動（321件）は、それぞれ第2節と第3節で考察し、クレイムと抗議活動が生じた際のイランの政治・社会状況を手掛かりに、バーザーリーによる抗議活動参加の動機を探究した。データ分析の結果、テヘラン・バーザールの多数派を構成する「商人・アスナーフ・職人連盟 Jāme‘e-ye Bāzargānān va Aṣnāf va Pīshevarān、アスナーフ連盟と略」は、テヘラン・バーザール閉鎖の権限を持ち、自律的な政治アクターであったことが判明した。同組織は、目的実現のための一手段として、宗教的権威を使用することもあったが、石油国有化運動の二大リーダー、世俗的政治家のモサッデク首相と宗教指導者のカーシャーニー師の対立が深まると、国民戦線の世俗政党と協力してモサッデク政権を最後まで支援し続けた。また、バーザーリーの参加した抗議活動の背景には、第二次世界大戦後の貿易自由化策及びパフラヴィー朝の経済政策によって富裕化した貿易商や企業家からなる「アスナーフ連合Etteḥādīya-ye Bāzargānān」と、伝統産業に携わる中小商人・職人からなるアスナーフ連盟の対立関係が浮かびあった。モサッデク政権は、国内産業の保護育成政策によって、中下層のバーザーリーに経済的恩恵のみならず、国政参加の機会をもたらした。政治・経済権益を巡るアスナーフ連盟とアスナーフ連合の主導権争いは、既得権の復活を目指すアスナーフ連合の王党派商人をモサッデク政権打倒工作に深く関与させる結果となった。本研究を通して、これまでの研究では、充分に明らかにされてこなかった石油国有化運動におけるバーザーリーの政治参加の実態を実証的に解明することが可能となろう。

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The paper considers the experiences and the perceptions of the Lebanese toward cross-border movement and explains its effects on contemporary Lebanese politics and societies. To this end, we analyzed the results of “Middle East Opinion Poll (Lebanon 2010),” which was conducted by the Beirut Center for Research and Information (BCRI) in May and June 2010. There are some widespread stereotyped images about the Lebanese; for example, they are cosmopolitan, multilingual, and business-oriented, and tend to be entrepreneurial. These images have led the Lebanese to be commonly known as the “New Phoenicians” or a typical case of “Trade Diasporas.” However, the credibility of these images has not necessarily been verified. In this paper, therefore, we attempted to verify the stereotyped image that all the Lebanese are cosmopolitan, by scientific methods and rethought conventional wisdom. The result suggests that all the Lebanese and Lebanese emigrants not necessarily embody the stereotyped images of “New Phoenicians” and “Trade Diasporas,” and there is room for further research on the patterns of cross-border movement of the Lebanese.

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In this article, I will focus on 97 singers whose biographies are recorded in Kitāb al-Aghānī, written by Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī. The aim is to analyze the parent-child and teacher-student relationships between the singers and the way in which the singers were connected with the courts of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. In the first chapter, I will analyze the 97 singers appearing in the book according to the periods during which they lived and the social status they had, with reference to a list of the singers. Subsequently, I will attempt to identify a large faction of professional singers existing among the 97 singers. In the second chapter, I will analyze how this large group of singers was connected with the courts of the Umayyad dynasty and the Abbasid dynasty. Through this analysis, I would like to make clear the social role the singers took on and also the cultural continuity between the Umayyad court and the Abbasid court. In the third chapter, I will focus on 100 Songs, that were selected from those sung in the Abbasid court. Those songs were applied by the author, Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, as the first criteria in selecting songs for Kitāb al-Aghānī. Here, it should be noted that 100 Songs includes lyrics written by singers whose individual biographies and anecdotes are not recorded in the book. A comparison between such “anonymous” singers and the large faction of major singers whose information is recorded in the book in detail will reveal the way in which people from the ninth century through the tenth century adopted and rejected information concerning the court.

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the implications of nominal consensus building between authoritarian rulers and the opposition parties under authoritarian single party dominance. Under authoritarian regimes, wherein a multiparty system has been adopted or the opposition parties have been at least substantially accepted, some rulers can convene a special forum for building a consensus with the (at least some) opposition parties to discuss on important political issues such as constitutional amendments. Why is it? Based on the cases of the “National Dialogue” in the Middle East, this article attempts to clarify the backgrounds, rulers’ willingness, categories, political effects, and theoretical significances of the nominal consensus building. These temporary, special forums can take different shapes and have different effects. The difference of size (small/large) can affect the effectiveness of rulers’ “divide and rule” strategy. The difference of period (short/long) can affect the attainability of rulers’ intended purposes. The “Sub-Committee” about the constitutional amendments in Egypt in 2007 was a case of a small and short-term meeting. The meeting helped “divide and rule” and made an intended effect of the stable conduct of proceedings. On the contrary, the “National Dialogue” about the amended electoral law in Yemen after 2007 was a case of a larger and long-term meeting. The meeting fostered unity within opposition parties and resulted in an unintended consequence, namely, the postponement of policy concessions.

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This paper aims to describe Jordan’s trade-related interaction with Iraq and its economic and social development from the 1970s to the 1980s. It views Jordan’s state of affairs from an empirical aspect on the basis of its recent internal and external situations, including its diverse relationship with Iraq existing since that period. The first section shows the actual condition of Jordan’s trade with Iraq from 1976 to 1990. The second section analyzes the development plans formulated by the Jordanian government aiming to reconstruct the economic and social structure of the East Bank after the occupation of the West Bank by the Israeli Army in 1967. Moreover, this section discusses the financial support provided by the Iraqi government for the improvement of the Aqaba Port and the highways connecting Aqaba and central Jordan or the Iraqi border. Finally, the third section explicates the development of the Aqaba port and the transformation of South Jordan. Through these discussions, this paper concludes the following points. Jordan succeeded in not only receiving aid but also in building substantial relations with Iraq through trade; this was the reason for maintaining relations with Iraq after the decline of financial support by Iraq. The influence of this relationship was also witnessed in Jordan’s domestic economy and society; and the transformation of South Jordan was brought about by not only large investments in ports and roads but also the incorporation of a transport system including Iraq.

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