Roughly speaking, the year 1842 divides the history of the system of landholding and taxation in the 19th century Egypt into two stages. In the first stage, two categories of land emerged, which were quite different from each other from the landholding and taxation's points of view; registered, state owned, and tax imposed “kharaj land” composed of cultured land, and non-registered, private owned, and tax exempted “ab'adiya land” most of which were uncultured and left for future reclamation. In the second stage, these two categories of land were unified through the interrelated courses which led to the invalidation of the distinctions within the following three sets of attributes that gave the definitions of the above categories, whether the land was cultured or uncultured, state owned or private owned, and tax imposed or tax exempted. The aim of this small essay is to follow the process of establishment of the modern private property by the unification of these two categories.

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Bien que les diverses anthologies de la littérature égyptienne en traduction rangent l'Histoire de Sinouhé dans les narrations en prose, un style demi-poétique (Erman), très proche du style des oeuvres didactiques, appelé ‘orational style’ par Lichtheim, parait prédominant non seulement dans les deux messages, mais aussi dans la partie narrative. Pour vérifier cette impression, j'ai essayé d'examiner la structure stylistique des lignes ponctuées par les points rouges des manuscrits ramessides (les lignes sans ponctuation sont restituées par moi-même). La méthode que j'ai adoptée n'est pas celle de Fecht, car ses règles métriques entravent la division naturelle d'un poème en lignes et en groupes de lignes; quatrième des sept chants d'amour du P. Beatty I, par exemple, est divisé en (2+2)+4+(2+2)+(2+2)+2=8+10, comme la plupart des traductions le montrent, Fecht, pourtant, le divise en 2+(2+1+2+2)+2+(1+2+1)+2=9+8.
Dans l'Histoire de Sinouhé, le passage du duel avec le preux de Réténou peut être divisé stylistiquement en deux parties; la première (B109-131) est divisée en cinq stances dont chacunes sont formées de deux sections, qui à leur tour sont composées de quatre lignes (avec une seule exception), ce qui donne la structure 4+4=8 pour une stance. La seconde partie (R156-B149) serait divisée en trois stances de la structure (2+4)+(2+4) ou (2+4)+(4+2)=12 lignes. Ces structure en 8 ou 12 lignes se retrouvent partout dans l'Histoire, p. ex. R23-B7 (2 stances), B156-64 (2st.), B290-304 (3st.), etc. pour 4+4, et B181-90 (2st.), B199-204 (1st.), B304-10 (1st.), etc. pour 6+6.
Les structures basées sur les groupes de trois lignes (assez fréquentes dans l'Enseignement pour Mérikarê) sont également utilisée dans Sinouhé, p. ex. B98-102 (3+3+3), B223-30 ((3+3)+(3+3)), etc.
Un mélange de ces deux type de structure paraît au premier abord un peu irrégulier, cependant on a en fait plusieurs exemples dans les oeuvres didactiques tels que les Enseignements pour Mérikarê ou d'Aménemhêt I^er. Ce sont les structures 4+(2+3)=9 (R17-22), 4+(3+3)+4=14 (B165-73), etc., ainsi que la première stance de l'hymne à Senwosret I^er qui a une structure de ce genre: 2+3+3=8.
Si on juge par le nombre des copies et le nom des auteurs mentionnés dans les ‘listes des sages anciens’ (Fragm. Daressy et P. Ch. Beatty IV, vs.), les classiques des anciens Egyptiens étaient des oeuvres didactiques, un hymne (à Hapy) et l'Histoire de Sinouhé. La présence de Sinouhé pourrait être expliquée par sa certaine tendence politique, relevée par Posener, mais aussi par le fait que l'Histoire de Sinouhé est écrite, comme toutes les oeuvres didactiques, en vers.

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With the appearance of O. Jastrow (1967) and H. Ritter (1967-71), a general idea that vernaculars spoken in the Tur ‘Abdin form one homogeneous dialect proved to be an illusion. When examined carefully they show several dialectal variations. The research made in Jerusalem in 1978 about the dialect of the village Mzizah, of which Ritter does not give any material, revealed a striking phenomenon.
Of the two types of SPP, one without ayd (SPP₁) is optionally used in Midin in regard to the words listed in Jastrow (pp. 54-56) and therefore it is a free variant of the other type of SPP (SPP₂). But in Mzizah this is not the case. Nouns that take SPP₁ cannot take SPP₂, excepting a few words. So the relation between them is a complementary one.
Moreover a certain number of words, which I termed ‘nouns of kinship’, take SPP₁ for the 2nd and 1st persons, but for the 3rd person they take not only SPP₁ and SPP₂ but also an article (D), in order to indicate the possessor of the 3rd pers. sg. (‘his, her’). According to the type of their distribution, nouns of kinship are classified into five classes here and other nouns taking SPP₁ are listed at the end.
Thus in the case of nouns of kinship, the choice of SPP seems to depend on the mental distance of kinship from the person in question. This fact, new and hitherto unknown, gives Mzizah dialect a distinct place in that it uses D in place of SPP and that a factor other than a linguistic one plays an important role in the choice of SPP.
Village dialects of Turoyo, it may be said, need more exhaustive research and treatment.

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There are represented two so-called “tassels” hanging on the horseflanks of this rock-cut relief, one of which has its lower half lost, but the lower half of the other remains almost completely.
Therefore, we can reconstruct the original shape of the tassel represented here which is slender in shape than those represented in the Sassanian rock-cut reliefs of the 3-4th centuries and in most of the “Sassanian” silver-plates.
As for the origin of this motif, the present author concludes that this kind of tassel made of horse-tails or other hairy materials was invented by Sassanians in Iran and spread both to the West (Dura-Europos) and to the East (Gandhara, Anyang _??__??_ of Northern Ch'i).
As for a probable meaning of this Sassanian tassel, the author regards it as one of the Sassanian royal symbols and rejects any practical uses proposed by Ker Porter and W. Hinz.
The peculiarity of the tassel at Taq-i Bustan consists in the fact that it has a tricephalic image represented at its top. As for the meaning of this unprecedented motif, the author concludes that the tricephalic image (head) is probably the anthropomorphic representation of the three heads of the dragon Azi Dahâka slain by Thraêtaona, Frêdôn, Verethragna and other Iranian epic heroes and kings. And, this anthropomorphic representation reflects the ancient tradition of the Eurasian equestrian peoples to decorate their horse-trappings with ennemy's cut-head. Finally the author proposes that the armour-clad equestrian image means one of the deified ancestors or founders of the Sassanian Dynasty such as Ardashir I or Shapur I, represented as one of the patron deities of the king in the upper “Investiture Scene”.

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In his article entitled ‘Das Problem der Soghdischen “Dialekte”, ’ Henning claims that variations in Christian Sogdian are not representative of the regional dialects, but are due to the absence of scribetradition and the diachronic change. In this paper, I try to prove that the variations cannot all be explained in these terms and that there existed a few regional dialects in Christian Sogdian.
For example, both the -'z-preterite and the periphrastic construction consisting of the present participle and the verb (w) m't- function as the durative past, and they show complementary distribution, i. e. they do not co-occur in one and the same document. These two forms differ from each other so much that we cannot assume that the one is the historical development of the other. Therefore Christian Sogdian can be classified into two groups by means of this criterion. Since each group has some other features in common, such a classification seems to be justified.

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Mani's biography is a history of salvation (Heilsgeschichte). It was written sub species ecclesiae et aeternitatis in that it was interpreted as the final act in cosmic battle between Light and Darkness. Because of such theological considerations, the relation between facts and sanctifications in Mani's life is so complex that it is difficult to find out the reality from a few existing data described about his life. Therefore I would like to approach at least for unity Mani's personal image that is fragmentary in these data, refering the result of biographical study about him till now.
The system of these data is divided in two. One is Kitab al-Fihrist's system and the other is Acta Archelai's system. The former is Arabic, oriental and comparatively objective, the latter is Syriac, imaginary and distortional against Mani and his followers with an intention to exclude Manichaeans as the false Christians from Christendom.
And then, depending on descriptions of Cologne Mani Codex specially this research about personal image of Mani in youth was proceeded through these data in two systems.
To conclude, in my opinion, I should suppose a versatile man who lived through the period of youth, having an ambition to reform the present condition of Elchasaites in hostility toward him as Prophet of New Gospel in spiritual life, and also as a watcher of canals and irrigation works or as a medical physician and a spiritual helper, besides these as an intellectual interpreter concerning the universe and a painter, a musician in real life.

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