Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

The qadis in the Early 'Abbasid Period

Hideyuki Io

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 1-19
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.1

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Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, qadis in Kufa differed from those in Medina in their origin, personal connections and scholastic tendencies. In Kufa, the influence of Ibrahim Nakha'i, Ibn Abi Layla and Abu Hanifa was strong, and their relatives and disciples assumed the post of gadis. There were political strives behind the appointment and dismissal of qadis. Sharik became a qadi after Ibn Abi Kayla who was cooperative with the government, but he lost his post due to the persecution of unorthodoxy in the reign of al-Mahdi. After Abu Yusuf assumed the post of a qadi al-qudat, many disciples of Abu Hanifa became qadis in Kufa in the days of Barmakid and al-Ma'mun. Liberal tendencies in Iraq in those days appear to have been reflected in the views of qadis and lawyers of Kufa.
This tendency and pro-Shi'ite trends in Kufa came into conflict with the qadis and lawyers in Medina. Among the qadis of Medina there were few scholars who studied law and Hadith, but people of the Bakr and 'Umar families, who were descendents of Abu Bakr and 'Umar condemned by the Shi'ites held many posts of qadis in Medina. It may be said that they were able to manage legal and administrative affairs in the Holy Place not because of their learning but because of their authority which they derived from being descendents of powerful families.

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Ibn Sina's Theory of the Self-Consciousness

Haruo KOBAYASHI

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 20-32
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.20

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Ibn Sina begins to elaborate the problem of the self-consciousness (shu'ur bi-al-dhdt) in the later period of his philosophical career. Since this problem develops into one of the main subjects in his philosophical anthrolopology, this is indispensable to understand his anthrolopology in general. This paper tries to elucidate his theory mainly from two points of view. Namely, 1) the apriority of the self-consciousness and 2) the mind-body relation.
First, Ibn Sina clearly insists on its apriority in the discourse of “suspended man” (insan mu'allaq) and elaborates it epistemologically. But since the consciousness of the self-consciousness (shu'ur bi-al-shu-'ur) occurs only through the consciousness of others, its apriority must be considered not as empirical but as formal.
Second, the problem of mind-body relation can be considered as a part of the problem of substantiality of human mind. Ibn Sina argues that because the human mind is 'ego that uses this body' (ana musta'mil li-hadha al-badan), it cannot be physical. In this paper, I will examine the grounds of this argument.
In concluding remarks, I will mention that this theory contains some fundamental difficulties related to such problems as the relation between the self-consciousness and the intellection (ta'aqqul) and also as the possibility of the self-consciousness in animal beings.

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The Concept of Benefit (naf') in 'Abd al-Jabbar's Ethics

Kazuko SHIOJIRI

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 33-49
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.33

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What is the criterion of good and evil brought forth endless controvercies in the Islamic ethics between the rationalists and the conservative groups; the former insisted that it could be known through the human reason, and the latter confined the authoritative criterion only to the revelation and its derivatives. The rationalists, the Mu'tazilah, maintain that the good and evil is inherent in the nature of the act itself and can be understood by the reason. For them the criterion of good and evil must be intrinsic and objective.
Based on this traditional Mu'tazilite ethical principles, 'Abd al Jabbar, who is a great scholar belonging to the later Mu'tazilah, elaborated his own ethics. He brought situational and prudential perspective into the judgment of ethical good-evil, taking into account various aspects and levels of the actual acts.
“Benefit”, one of the key terms in his ethics, is always correlated to Good, while “Injury” is to Evil. An act is good when it brings forth “Benefit” or when it defends Injury. Since the criterion of Good and Evil is put on the balance of “Benefit” and “Injury”, “Injury” which “Benefit” exceeds is judged as Good. All these prudential judgments can be rightly grasped by man's reason. However, as ethics must be always valid, 'Abd al Jabbar states that “Benefit” must not be of worldly selfish profits, nor should be gained by wrong means.
To consider the whole aspects of his ethics together, he seems to conceive a qualitative hierarchy of Benefit, of which the highest is the creation of God itself; “Benefit” not in a prudential nor rational sense, but in a eschatological sense. In the side of man, “Benefit” in the ultimate sense will be realized in the hereafter in accordance with what he has done in this world.
In this sphere “Benefit” has both the rational and eschatological meaning in 'Abd al Jabbar's ethics, even though it has situational and prudential aspects. The study of the whole relevance of these aspects is my next task.

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The Administration of Pyramid City and 'Overseer of the Pyramid City' in the Old Kingdom

Yasuko HATAMORI

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 50-66
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.50

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In the Old Kingdom, the 'Pyramid Cities' were supervised by the officials called imy-r niwt mr, ‘overseers of the pyramid city’. In this paper I have analyzed the historical change of this title and social standings of its holders.
(1) There were two types for the title of ‘overseer of the pyramid city’, one with each pyramid name and another without it. We can find the former title through the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties in the documents, but it disappeared by the end of the Sixth Dynasty. On the other hand, the latter title did not appear until the end of the Fifth Dynasty. Most officials with these two titles were classified as dignitary after the end of the Fifth Dynasty. However, holders of imy-r niwt mr without pyramid name belonged to higher rank than those who had imy-r niwt mr with pyramid name. And the title of imy-r niwt mr with pyramid name was usually held by Memphite officials, but most holders of another title were officials in Upper Egypt, especially after the later Sixth Dynasty.
(2) And there was also the third title, imy-r mr, ‘overseer of the Pyramid’. This title preceded imy-r niwt mr and existed through the Old Kingdom. But all holders of imy-r mr were lower class officials in Memphis. So imy-r mr is thought to be under the control of imy-r niwt mr after the Fifth Dynasty.
(3) These differences in appearance and social standings of three offices mean that the end of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties were turning points in the administration of pyramid cities. It suggests that administrative reforms of pyramid cities occurred at these periods. It has been said that there were governmental reforms at the same periods. Therefore, we can conclude that the administrative changes of pyramid cities were parts of reformations of central government. And also the position of pyramid cities in the whole structure of control had risen gradually in the latter half of the Old Kingdom.

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Mu-túm Obligation in the Ur III Dynasty

Tohru MAEDA

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 67-81
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.67

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There was an organization in Puzurish-Dagan for the management of the livestock which was brought as tribute, offering, etc. by many people from the territories under the hegemony of the Ur III king. This organization kept a great many day-by-day records on brought (mu-túm) livestock. The form of the mu-túm text was altered in the 3rd year of Shu-Sin. Coincidently, the whole system of mu-túm was reformed on a large scale in this year.
The purpose of mu-túm in the early period was mainly to serve the national pantheon, and then shifted to that of offerings made for the king's sake. I can assume that Shu-Sin reformed the tributary system in order to reinforce his dominance over the territories.

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Clauses of Tribute in Hittite Vassal-Treaties

Satoshi ONO

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 82-92
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.82

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A Hurrian Song with Musical Notation from Ugarit

Matahisa KOITABASHI

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 93-107
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.93

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Stone Arrowheads of Prehistoric Egypt: Present State of the Question

Jiro KONDO

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 108-118
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.108

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A Field Methodology for the West Jezreel Valley Survey 1981

Yubal Portugali, Kumi MAKINO

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 119-139
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.119

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Some Remarks on the Babylonian Mathematical Text Db₂-146. (IM 67118)

Kazuo MUROI

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 140-147
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.140

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D. F. EICKELMAN, The Middle East: An Anthropological Approach., New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1981, 336 pp.

Masaki UNO

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 148-151
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.148

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Marc Le Berre. Monuments pré islamiques de l'Hindukush central. avec collaboration de Henri Marchal et une contribution de Jean-Claude Gardin et Bertille Lyonnet. Mémoires de la Délégation archéologique française en Afghanistan, tome XXIV. Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Paris, 1987. 132 pp. 127 pls

Shoshin KUWAYAMA

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 152-156
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.152

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Donné Raffat, The Prison Papers of Bozorg AlaviT: A Literary Odyssey Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, N. Y., 1985, xi+246 pp

Yuko FUJIMOTO

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 157-163
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.157

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 164-165
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.164

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 165-166
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.165

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 166-167
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.166

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 167-168
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.167

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 168-169
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.168

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[title in Japanese]

1989 Volume 32 Issue 1 Pages 176-177
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.32.176

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