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Volume 25 (1982)
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Volume 25, Issue 1
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Shigeo IWATA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 1-16
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSA full detail of metrological system in ancient Mesopotamia has not yet been clarified. The numerical values, having hitherto appeared as the mean values of mass standard, show a variety, one ma-na being indicated as between 489.5-515.75g. Furthermore it is said that there were 1 to 4 different standards. This report aims to offer an calculation of the mean values based on the statisticall method using the firmly dated weights, 74 in number, covering the time-span from ca. 2500 BC to 550 BC. As a result, numerical values as mass of each unit are as follows: 29718g for a gun, 495.3g for a mana, 8.255g for a gin, and 0.04586g for a še. And the following regression equation was obtained by the method of least squares: M=487.6+3.74×10-3t (‘M’ means the mean mass (g) of one ma-na, weights in a certain age and ‘t’ is the number of BC years.) From this equation, it can be concluded that there was little change in the mass standard in ancient Mesopotamia, and becomes clear, from the hallmark on the weights and the histogram of mass of the weights converted into one ma-na, that the mass standard system remained to be single.View full abstractDownload PDF (837K) -
Akiko OKADA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 17-31
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDiese sogenannte “Zwischenschicht”, die die Schicht Uruk Arch. IV (die Uruk-Zeit) von der Schicht Uruk Arch. III (die Djemdet-Nasr-Zeit) getrennt hat, wurde in der Wintergrabungskampagne 1963/64 von den deutschen Archäologen freigelegt. Wie H. J. Lenzen, unter dessen Führung alle Ausgrabungen in Uruk=Warka nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg bis zur 25. Expedition gemacht wurden, seine Abhandlung in Studia Orientalia Bd. 46mit diesem Satz anfängt: “wohl nie sind in einer mesopotamischen Ruine zwei dicht aufeinanderfolgende Kulturschichten so unendlich verschieden wie die Schichten Uruk IVa und Uruk III”, wurde das gesamte Eanna-Heiligtum plötzlich am Ende der Uruk IVa Periode zerstört und wurden die in der Periode Uruk III ganz anders geplanten Neubauten bald drauf errichtet, in den der wichtigste Bau die Holchterrasse, d. h. der Vorläufer der Zikurrat, gewesen sei. Nach der Meinung von Lenzen habe die Göttin Inanna in dieser Zeit zum “Mitglied des männlichen Pantheon” erhöht worden und daher sei diese sehr überraschende Veränderung wegen keines Einbruch des anwärtigen Feind erschienen. Also denke ich daran, daß die “Zwischenschicht” zwischen die Schichten IVa and III die kurze doch wichtige Stufe für die bis zur Zeit mächtiger wachsende Herrschergruppe in Uruk war, die den Eanna-Bezirk plötzlich ganz neu verändert hat, nachdem die kultische Formation der Zeremonie für die Göttin Inanna and ihre jährliche Heilighochzeitfest allmählich festgestellt worden hatte.View full abstractDownload PDF (1312K) -
Sakae SHIBAYAMA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 32-49
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDependent on the previous discussion as seen in Oriento 23-2, 1980, the present author also aims to point out the followings: (1) The fact that the type of name Iš+Dn in the Eblaic onomasticon reappears in the Bible does not always mean the cultural continuity between Syria and the Old Testament world. (2) Re-examination of the Old Testament in the Eblaic light directly or through Ugaritic texts would methodologically be destined to repeat errors already committed in the past. (3) Since the Eblaite culture is supposed to be deeply rooted in the Mesopotamians dated between the 27th century BC and the fifth century BC, it should be very careful to study that the Ugaritic personal name Išbcl or Iši-Baal is intended as a double duty modifier or two way middle, looking back to the Eblaic Iš+DN type name and ahead to the Old Testament personal name 'ešbcl comparing with 'îš(ha)'elohîm as a title representing prophetic office in the books of Samuel, Kings and so on.View full abstractDownload PDF (1580K) -
Katsumi TANABE1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 50-72
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSOne of the most fascinating and also enigmatic artistic motifs of the Sogdian art flourished in 7th-8th centuries, might be so-called winged camel or camel bird. The reasons why this unprecedented composite animal was invented only by the Sogdians might be found out within the cultural background of Sogdiana. Therefore, the present author tried to collect the archaeological documents of the camelus bactrianus unearthed mainly in West-Turkestan from 3rd millenium BC up to 10th century AD. These varied documents confirm us that camelus bactrianus symbolized the water and river (canal) and consequently the fertility of the cultivated lands in West-Turkestan. Secondly, the author tried to explain why bird's wings were attached to the un-winged camelus bactrianus by citing the Sasanian royal benchthrone (Kline), the legs of which are decorated with such winged animals as winged horses, winged rams and griffins. This Sasanian zoomorphic royal throne signified the ascension or apotheosis of the Sasanian King of Kings and was adopted by the Iranian rulers and chieftains in Afghanistan and Transoxiana. Based upon these two-sided arguments the author concludes that the unique image of winged camelus bactrianus was created through the cultural contact between the Sasanian royal ideology (zoomorphic throne) and the cultic reverence of camelus bactrianus among the Sogdians. From the iconographical view-point, the winged camelus bactrianus as well as the nonwinged camelus bactrianus signifies the Iranian xvarnah which is invested by fravashi (ancestral spirit) and in wider senses means fertility, riches, possession of many domesticated animals and so on.View full abstractDownload PDF (8035K) -
Masataka TAKESHITA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 73-86
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSAlthough it is widely accepted that Ibn 'Arabi is the first to coin the phrase “the Perfect Man”, (al-insan al-kamil), which gained wide currency in later Sufism, Ibn 'Arabi actually used this phrase infrequently. In his most mature and influential work, the Fusus al-Hikam, the phrase is used only eight times. In five cases out of the eight, the phrase is used interchangeably with Adam, who symbolizes Man. Man, in the metaphysics of Ibn 'Arabi, is defined as the synthesis of all the Divine Names and all the realities of existents (haqa'iq al-mawjudat). Man is the link between God, that is, the Absolute Existence and the Universe. And Man in this metaphysical sense is the Perfect Man, Adam. However, the other three cases suggest that “the Perfect Man” is applied to gnostics ('arifun), i. e., Sufi saints. According to Ibn 'Arabi, gnostics are those who know God in the infinitely different forms in which He manifests Himself. This knowledge can be achieved with the heart, which transforms its shape in accordance with the formal transformation of God. This manifestation of God in different forms is not the manifestation of His Divine Identity (huwiya), that is, His Absolute Existence, but that of His Divine Names, the principle of multiplicity, which is still undifferentiated in God. And the transformation of the heart according to the shapes of manifestation realizes the synthesis of all the Divine Names and all the realities of existents in Man. Thus, the metaphysical, ontological concept of Man, which is symbolized by Adam, the Perfect Man, applies only to Sufi gnostics in the case of real earthly man.View full abstractDownload PDF (1220K) -
Keigou NODA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 87-95
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe Old Persian construction mana krtam had long been taken to be a passive construction. In 1952, Benveniste attempted to show that mana krtam is possessive rather than passive. This thesis, however, was challenged by G. Cardona, who maintained a return to the old passive interpretation. In the recent literature Cardona's opinion seems to be agreed among no less scholars. The present author attempts to show, on the examination of the Old Persian synchronic evidence, that Benveniste's explanation is much preferable to Cardona's.View full abstractDownload PDF (673K) -
Eiko MATSUSHIMA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 96-110
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn this paper I hoped to present a brief sketch of the sacred marriage rite of the first millenium B. C. in Babylonia and Assyria. At present, we have several texts concerning the “hierogamy” of the god Nabû and his spouse Tašmetu, written in the Neo-Assyrian period, including three ABL letters and a text with a dialogue between Nabû and Tašmetu.
Analyzing these documents and other related materials, I believe that we can understand the following facts about this important rite: some time during the Sargonic period in Assyria, in the second month of the year, a sacred marriage of Nabû with Tašmetu was celebrated. The divine couple entered in the “bit erši”, which may be a part of the Nabû temple. During this ceremony, the god Nabû took a walk in the garden. It seems that the gods in this rite were represented by their cult statues and that music was played during the rite. A large sacrifice was made so that Nabû and Tašmetu may grant long life to the members of the royal family. There is, however, a Babylonian text which describes a sacred marriage of Nabû with the goddess Nanaja. Unfortunately there are few Babylonian documents that allow reconstruction of a clear image of sacred marriage rite in Babylonia.View full abstractDownload PDF (1341K) -
Akira MIYAJI1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 111-129
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe composition and iconography of Parinirvana scene remained unchanged in India since its first appearance on Gandharan reliefs, but later in Central Asia it took a new turn. Analyzing the painting in Kizil caves, the present author convinced that the parinirvana scenes should chronologically be divided into four types; the first and earliest type is a simple reflection of the Gandharan narrative scene, while the second type shows that the scene in question came to occupy among all paintings in a cave a central importance, or the idealistic position. During the following stage the Bodhisattva Maitreya in the Tusita heaven, depicted exclusively on the inner wall above the entrance, inevitably became a counter part of the Buddha's death scene: “soteriology” may be recalled here. In the latest stage the scenes following parinirvana, i. e. Ajatasatru legend, Cremation, distribution of the relics, and the First council, appeared in addition to the parinirvana and Maitreya images. The themes of the Ajatasatru and First council, found only in Kizil, are based on the Mulasarvastivadin's texts. Therefore the final stage of the parinirvana compositions in Kizil has a special relationship with the Hinayanist communities.View full abstractDownload PDF (9925K) -
Akira HORI1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 130-144
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (3007K) -
Yuko KAGAWA, Koji KAMIOKA1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 145-151
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (593K) -
1982 Volume 25 Issue 1 Pages 155-157
Published: September 30, 1982
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (217K)
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