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Volume 57 (2014)
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Volume 57, Issue 2
Displaying 1-7 of 7 articles from this issue
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Articles
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A Study of išhiya- "to Bind" and hamenk- "to Tie"Hajime YAMAMOTO2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 2-15
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSFor the Hittites, concluding treaties and arranging inter-dynastic marriages were two important methods of making alliances with other Great Kings, as well as subjugating vassal kings. The purpose of this paper is to understand how the Hittites viewed the relationships created by treaty and marriage through a philological study of two related Hittite verbs. I clarify and compare the meanings of the verb išhiya- "to bind" and its synonym hamenk- "to tie". A study of išhiya- is important for understanding of the nature of treaties, since the noun išhiul- "treaty" is derived from it. In addition, the verb hamenk-, which can mean "to betroth", gives a clue for understanding the Hittites' way of thinking about marriage.
The relationships indicated by išhiya- and hamenk- seem to represent the two methods of Hittite diplomacy. The verb išhiya- when used with the sentence particle -šan or -kan means literally "to bind one thing onto another thing", and figuratively "to impose a burden on a person". The basic concept of the noun išhiul- is derived from this figurative meaning and means "something which imposes a burden on a person". Accordingly, a treaty is a document imposed by a superior on an inferior that stipulates the burden. The inferior person cannot escape from the bond of his own will. The verb hamenk-, however, both literally and figuratively means to connect two separate things. When used to describe the connection between a man and a woman, it can mean, "to betroth". Therefore, marriage, or at least engagement, is not a unilaterally imposed bond and may represent a horizontal relationship. Thus, the fundamental ties in Hittite diplomacy seem to be the vertical relationship through treaty on the one hand and the horizontal relationship through marriage on the other.View full abstractDownload PDF (1554K) -
Chuichiro AOSHIMA2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 16-28
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions we find accounts of the past that are inserted in the form of a relative clause, that function to embellish the king's image. In this paper I discuss how the king is represented by dealing with the accounts of the past in the narrations of the campaigns.
In the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, accounts of the past often refer to the deeds of the king's predecessors. The king emphasizes his heroic priority by stating that no previous king had accomplished a certain achievement that he had （the so-called Übertreffungsmethaphorik）. For example, the king has marched in regions that none of his forefathers had set foot in and has subjugated enemies who had threatened Assyrian territory or foreign rulers who had been unsubmissive since early times. These motifs depict the king as a capable military leader （a conqueror and protector of the land）, the traditional royal portrait that goes back to the Middle Assyrian period. Moreover, a reference to the voluntary surrender of a previously unsubmissive ruler from a distant place highlights the might of a king who overwhelms without the need to do anything. The comparison to the previous kings does not always emphasize his heroic priority. By referring to the faults of his predecessors, the account represents the king as a true king and legitimates his kingship.
However, from Sargon on, accounts about the past without the Übertreffungsmethaphorik appear. The most prominent theme is the king's favor to his vassals, especially his appointing them as rulers and guaranteeing them their positions. This theme highlights a new aspect of the king, that of benefactor. The expansion of Assyria from the time of Tiglath-pileser III caused tensions with the neighboring great powers. In this situation, the king treated the vassal states at the periphery more favorably than before in order to keep their loyalty. This led to the introduction of representing the ruler as a warm-hearted king.View full abstractDownload PDF (1580K) -
The Example of the Family of the Epi tou Kanikleiou Alexios Palaiologos TzamblakonTomohiro HIRANO2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 29-40
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe purpose of this article is to provide a genealogical and prosopographical study of the epi tou kanikleiou Alexios Palaiologos Tzamblakon ( Ἀλέξιος Παλαιολόγος Τζαμπλάκων), who was the father-in-law of the 15th-century Byzantine historian Georgios Sphrantzis. The Tzamblakones had family relations with the Palaiologos dynasty and the Genose Zaccaria family, but the details still remain to be clarified. A reinterpretation of some contemporary sources suggests that the Tzamblakones were not descended from the Zaccaria family, but rather from a Zuan Blacho-Bamblachus of Vlach origin, known from the Latin sources.
The Chronikon of Sphrantzis mentions a "wife's uncle (γυναικοθεῖος)" - Tzamblakon Kydonidis in the Peloponnese (XXXIX. 5). And there is a document that mentions a Joannes Zamblaco, "the cousin" of the despotis Thomas Palaiologos (1430-1460). These records suggest that Kydonidis was not a relative of Thomas's wife as some scholars have stated, but of Sphrantzis's wife Eleni. Family relations between the despot and the Tzamblakones can be traced back to the megas stratopedarchis Dimitrios Tzamblakon, who was husband of Evdokia, the great-granddaughter of the emperor Michail VIII (1259-1282). Alexios, the only known Palaiologos-Tzamblakon, is supposed to be their descendant (see the genealogical table).
The Sphrantzai and the Tzamblakones had a common social background, and marriage relations between them mutually strengthened their political positions. Sphrantzis himself became a relative of the imperial family and gained a political position in the Peloponnese, where the Tzamblakones had an estate. On the other hand, the Tzamblakones, who were in political obscurity, regained their position at the court via their connection with Sphrantzis, who was a favorite of the emperor. Moreover, it is also attested that Sphrantzis sought refuge for his family in the Peloponnese during the period of the Ottoman threat (XXXIV. 7). Their relationship was typical of the socio-political relationships among the Byzantine bureaucrats.View full abstractDownload PDF (1844K) -
Shinya SHIONOZAKI2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 41-62
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIt is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.
The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal Keshkul (Dervish Bowl), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.
Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.View full abstractDownload PDF (2710K)
Notes
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The Historical Significance Reconstructed by the Research History of Iron Making Method and Chemical AnalysisNaoyo SEKIHIRO2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 63-76
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSMeroe is famous for its landscape with 'many black mounds' on the site. In 1911 the Egyptologist A. H. Sayce declared that Meroe must have been the "Birmingham of Africa" as indicated by the presence of these mounds. It was recognized as a site of iron making when the Sudan railway was constructed through part of the site at the end of the 19th century. However, archaeological investigation of the iron working was not conducted until the excavation and research of P. Shinne and R. Tylecote began in the late 1960s.
Shinnie excavated six furnaces in the Royal City, on the north mound in 1969-70 and 1973-75. Tylecote studied smelting and smithing furnaces, tuyeres and crucibles and divided the tuyeres into seven types. Analysis of a limited number of samples of iron slag and ore from a Meroe slag mound was carried out by T. Rehren in 2001. He also attempted to determine the date of the technology's introduction and the course of its development. B. Abdu and R. Gordon showed the difference in the production of iron artifacts between Classic and Late Meroitic periods in Arminna West and Toshka. M. S. Bashir classified the iron artifacts in the collection of Khartoum museum and discussed the religious aspects between the iron and the native god Apdemak.
This research history and the chemical analysis made it clear that all the making process of iron artifacts from the collection of the iron ore to the smithing were operated in Meroe and the iron was widely accepted in the ancient material culture and usage in Sudan than most scholars have expected until now. Describing the structural details for reconstruction of iron making method will need further in-depth and stimulating analysis with supporting data and evidence from chemical analysis.View full abstractDownload PDF (3295K) -
Kazuo MORIMOTO2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 77-90
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis article discusses a genealogical chart drawn in the third quarter of the fifteenth century CE (probably in the first half of the 1460s) in Iraq, most likely in Najaf, which presents the Timurids as descendants of ʻAli b. Abī Ṭālib through his son Muḥammad b. al-Ḥanafiyya. This genealogical chart presents a hitherto unknown ʻAlid genealogy as that of the Timurids. It thus appears to testify to a Timurid attempt at "ʻAlidizing" themselves that is completely different from the one attested by the well-known epitaphs at Gūr-i Amīr. Particularly notable is the fact that this ʻAlid genealogy connects the Timurids to a legendary royal family (the legendized Qarakhanids) that purportedly played an important role in the Islamization of the regions roughly corresponding to the realms of the historical Chaghatay Khanate.View full abstractDownload PDF (3076K)
Book Reviews
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Kazue KOBAYASHI2015 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 91-95
Published: March 31, 2015
Released on J-STAGE: April 01, 2018
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (1152K)
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