The following article concerns the burial practices of Ubaid culture in the northern Syria, the northern and southern Mesopotamia and the southwestern Iran. On previous papers I proposed a tentative chronology for the Ubaid pottery as funerary objects from Tell Kashkashok II, ordered another sequence of the tombs themselves and, after comparing and examining both sequences, established the integrated chronology for the Ubaid tombs in the site.
According to the conclusions resulted from these articles, I shall deal with the structure of tombs: tomb accompanying mud-brick wall located at the entrance of the burial chamber, and box-like tomb built of mud-bricks enclosing the burial chamber. As for the former, the tomb has the subterranean structure that a lateral burial chamber like a catacomb is connected with the bottom of a vertical shaft. The method of construction for the unique tomb was detailedly explained in the final report of the Kashkashok II. This type was spread mainly on the northern Ubaid culture, but another one- box tomb -mostly on the southern Ubaid. The latter shows the shaft structure that a burial chamber is enclosed by mud-brick or stone walls in a box plan.
Here will be discussed some aspects of burial custom in the Ubaid culture which were expressed in such visible evidences as structure of the burial chambers and position of the physical remains, as those types of tombs could be significant indicators for the Ubaid expansion. Then, I am going to trace the distribution of these typical attributes in terms of the regional variation hypothesized tentatively by water course or valley, and consider the o igin and development of the burial practices in the Ubaid culture.

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There is no positive evidence that Hittite scribes employed the signs including voiced and voiceless stops in a contrastive manner to distinguish between voiced and voiceless values. On the other hand, they probably made consistent use of orthographic single and double stops in intervocalic position to indicate lax and tense qualities or short and long qualities, respectively. From a historical viewpoint single stops continue Proto-Anatolian voiced stops and double stops Proto-Anatolian voiceless stops. The contrast between single and double spellings is generally observed in the case of laryngeals, fricatives and sonorants as well. An immediate question to be raised at this point is whether the same contrast is found between intervocalic single -z- and double -zz-. I will discuss this problem by analyzing the distribution of 3sg. present active endings of mi-conjugation, -Vzzi and -Vzi.
As for a-stem and u-stem verbs, the sequence -Vzi is attested side by side with the sequence -Vzzi; e. g., ar-nu-uz-zi “brings” vs. ar-nu-zi. The sequence -Vzi is most naturally explained by the so-called “simplified spellings”. Because the signs az and uz are relatively complicated, Hittite scribes must have spelled the ending without az or uz sign. In general the simplified spellings -azi and -uzi are rare in Old Hittite, but outnumber the unomitted spellings in later Hittite. In any event the alternation between z and zz in the sequences of -a(z)zi and -u(z)zi is of no linguistic contrast.
In the case of the -IZ-zi sequence, however, scribes had no motivation for omitting IZ because IZ is a very simple three-stroke sign. Nevertheless, there are a small number of examples in -izi or -ezi with z in Old Hittite texts represented by ú-e-mi-zi “finds” KBo VI 2 IV 12 and i-e-zi “does” KBo VI 2 I 60 (both in Old Hittite originals of Law texts). It is noteworthy that these examples all go back to Proto-Anatolian forms characterized by an ending with voiced *d; e. g., ú-e-mi-zi<*au-ém-ye-di and i-e-zi<*yéh₁-di. An obvious inference to be drawn from this fact is that both *-ti and *-di underwent assibilation at a pre-Hittite stage; the ending *-Izzi with zz reflects *-ti and -i/ezi with z reflects *-di, just as geminated stops reflect voiceless stops and single stops reflect voiced stops. I would like to argue that these verbs, though limited in number, preserve a notably archaic feature, resisting to generalization of -Izzi with zz.
The above result has a further consequence if we are right in assuming that Proto-Anatolian voiced stops as well as voiceless stops got assibilated before *i. Unlike *t and *d, Proto-Indo-European voiced aspirate *dh never got assibilated in Hittite. The non-assibilation of *dh before *i is supported by the 2sg. imperative i-IT(<*h₁í-dhi) “You go!”. Consequently, Proto-Indo-European *d and *dh show different outcomes before *i in Hittite. This will be a piece of evidence for a view that Proto-Indo-European *d and *dh had not been merged at the stage of Proto-Anatolian.

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the meaning of the Assyrian royal lion hunt from the religious point of view and to speculate further how it was perceived in society. Some features of the hunt described in texts suggest possible associations between the Assyrian royal hunt and mythological themes. This leads us to speculate that the hunt was performed as a “cult-drama” based on Ninurta's myths in which the king's role as a victorious hunter conveys an association with the achievement of the divine hero. In Mesopotamia, there is evidence that a “hunting prohibition” existed concerning lions where the killing of the animal was strictly reserved for the king. In order to investigate the reason for such prohibition, the significance of the royal lion hunt in the context of its social function is examined Ninurta achieves his divine kingship by subduing monsters; in a similar way, the king's position in society is reinforced by slaying lions.
Possible explanations for the specific function of the royal lion hunt as perceived in society are sought from the anthropological point of view. The lions were seen as embodying the essence of wild forces which are to be brought into society at a propitious time in order to ensure the continuity of life in the community. The king functions as the only figure who is capable of introducing such forces into society from the wild, since he occupies the place of conjunction between the wild and the civilised domains.

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It has been a vexing problem as to whether Aramaic had from the outset or not. Some insist that Aramaic lacked yaqtul at first, but that it intruded into Aramaic later as a result of the influence of Canaanite languages. Others argue in favor of the original existence of yaqtul in Aramaic.
Formerly, three verbs in the Aramaic inscription of Zakkur, king of Lu'ash and Hamath (ca. the second half of the ninth century BCE), found in Afis (KAI202), were regarded as the oldest attestation of yaqtul conjugation. They are _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ (A11) and _??__??__??__??__??_ (A15), all of which are preceded by a conjunction waw. In this inscription, however, both qatala and yaqtulu are dominant in expressing narrative past and future/present tenses respectively. The appearance of the three yaqtul forms is therefore just an exceptional phenomenon. Furthermore, the language and style of the Zakkur inscription is strongly influenced by the Canaanite culture. The yaqtul in this inscription might be borrowed from the Canaanite languages but is foreign to the original language.
The newly discovered Tel Dan Inscription, dated around the first half of the ninth century BCE, contains the following eleven finite verbs: _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (B1.1), _??__??__??_ (A1.2), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.3), _??__??__??_ (A1.3), _??__??__??__??_ (B1.3), _??__??__??__??__??_[_??_] (B1.4), _??__??__??__??_ (A1.5), _??__??__??_[_??_] (B1.5), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.6), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.8), _??__??__??__??_ (A1.9), out of which two (_??__??__??__??__??_ [and] _??__??__??__??_) could be absolute infinitive and are definitely not qatala. The rest are minutely analyzed from the lexicographical, morphological, and contextual points of view and it can be concluded that they should be yaqtul. Still more, two yaqtul forms (_??__??__??_ and _??__??__??_) are not preceded by waw. Thus, the yaqtul forms in the Tel Dan inscription regularly function to denote the narrative past, regardless of the precedence or non-precedence of the conjunction waw.
The verbs preceded by the conjunction waw in the Deir 'Alla inscription must be the remnant of inherent yaqtul forms. The following forms are found: _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 1), _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 2), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 3), _??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 4/5), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 1), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 4).
Although Gibson's assertion that yaqtul exists in Biblical Aramaic is rejected, the 33 examples enumerated as yaqtul by M. S. Smith in the Moabite Mesha inscription (ca. 850 BCE) should be accepted as correct. In this inscription yaqtul, along with qatala, plays a leading role in the narrative past tense.
In conclusion, yaqtul should have been inherent in both the Tel Dan inscription and the Mesha inscription. The Tel Dan inscription is, therefore, the oldest solid attestation of yaqtul in Aramaic. The six examples in the Deir 'Alla Aramaic inscription also affirm the original existence of yaqtul forms in Aramaic itself.

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The purpose of this article is to show that four receptacles unearthed in Chinese Turkestan (Turfan, Karashahr and Jimsa) are ossuaries. Ossuaries are particular bone-receptacles of Zoroastrians, in which human bones were kept after they had been cleansed of flesh; they have hitherto been discovered almost exclusively in Khwarazm, Merv, Sogdiana and Semirechye. On the basis of L. V. Pavchinskaja's recent study, this article attempts to identify the four receptacles found in Chinese Turkestan as Sogdian ossuaries and to date them to the second half of the seventh and the first half of the eighth centuries. These ossuaries prove that Sogdians kept their funeral rites even after their settlements in Chinese Turkestan and confirm the accounts in ancient Chinese chronicles that Zoroastrianism was popular in Chinese Turkestan.

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In this article, we consider how a scripture of the Qur'an has been received by Muslims. My interest is focused on a prayer of Isti'adhah which is used as a refuge from Satan, beseeching Allah's assistance. Isti'adhah, composed of '-w-dh, is found in 17 places of the Qur'an and covers three scriptural roles which Graham indicated: (1) scripture in public ritual, (2) scripture in devotional and spiritual life, (3) magical and superstitious use of scripture. There are three main modes of the receptions, i. e. interpretations, of Isti'adhah.
First, Isti'adhah is used in Muslim daily life as a spell which has various kinds of effects, an especially strong effect as a cure. It is because both Surah 113 and 114, called Mu'awwidhatani, begin with Isti'adhah. There are a lot of Hadiths, for example in Sahihayni, reporting that Muhammad used the Mu'awwidhatani for a cure.
Secondly, Isti'adhah is recited before Qira'ah according to Qur. 16:98, though there was an argument whether it should be recited before or after Qira'ah. Mufassirun interpreted this action as preparation for Qira'ah, especially as purgation.
Thirdly, Isti'adhah of Qur. 16:98 was interpreted by Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, at the beginning of his tafsir “Mafatih al-ghayb”, i. e. at the interpretation of the Surah Fatihah, as a prayer which makes a reciter head for union with Allah and reach the situation just before obliteration of self. This is the most spiritual interpretation of Isti'adhah.
Isti'adhah in the Qur'an is, as I mentioned above, understood in various ways of interpretation, i. e. modes of reception.

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Among the Ash'arites and the Mu'tazilites, it had been discussed whether the divine name (ism) is the same as the named (musamma) or the naming (tasmiyah). The Ash'arites before al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111) insisted that the name is the same as the named in itself, i. e., God, or the divine attribute (sifah), because of the consensus (ijma') that God has the eternal names and attributes before He creates His creature. On the other hand, the Mu'tazilites insisted that the divine name is the same as the naming, i. e., the speech which man makes and is not eternal. Thus different opinions had been proposed to whether the divine name is made or not.
However, al-Ghazali, in his al-Maqsad al-Asna which deals with the 99 Beautiful Names of God, argued that since the name, the named and the naming are different from each other in meaning, the discussion done before him that the name is either same as the named or the naming was wide of the mark, and he defined the name as the word (lafz), which is not eternal. It seems that al-Ghazali denied the thesis of the Ash'arites before him. He also discussed that man becomes near (qurb) to God through the divine names. He ceased the theological discussion of ontological positions of the divine names, and he regarded the divine names as means to become near to God mystically. Thus he found a new significance in the divine names.

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Wheat has been cultivated and eaten for a long time in Islamic world as well as in European world. In both worlds flour mills spread widely. But the two worlds were very different in the development of the use of hydraulic power. While European world made the best use of it and took the course to industrialization, Islamic world utilized it only for flour-milling. What caused this great difference?
There were two types in flour mills: vertical mills and horizontal mills. Although the latter was used only for flour milling, the former could be used for a variety of industries. In Europe from about 10th century feudal lords gradually acquired peasant-owned mills, monopolized milling and obliged peasant to mill at the lords' mills. The lords also built mills. Then vertical mills were often adopted because they were able to be large size. Therefore they spread over Europe and the industrialization advanced. On the other hand, it is assumed that horizontal mills were dominant in Islamic world becsuse they were suited for the lands of little rainfall. There is, however, no certain evidence of which type of mills was dominant there.
It is certain that which type of mills was selected decided fate of both worlds, but the selection was affected not only by geographic factors but also by political and social ones. Therefore in this paper the author dealt with four collections of fatwas, and analyzed the situation of flour mills in Islamic world, mainly in al-Andalus about 12th century. As a result, it is concluded that monopoly of flour mills and the large-scale change from horizontal mills to vertical mills never occurred in al-Andalus owing to the Islamic water law.

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Najib Mahfuz's Tharthara fawq al-Nil, published in 1966, has always been regarded as a “prophetic” novel of Egypt's defeat in the 1967 War. It is basically a satirical novel depicting Egyptian society and its intelligentsia under Nasser's regime in the 60's. It is, however, important to read Tharthara not as a mere political satire, but as a novel of universal nature which narrates artistically a story about the everlasting confrontation between “linear time” and “cyclical time” or between “sense” and “nonsense.”
The whole structure of the novel can be reduced to the confrontation between (linear time-seriousness-sense-Samara) and (cyclical time-jest-nonsense-Anis). Although some critics say that Anis had changed his position and become serious at the end of the story, it is evident from a close reading of the text that he does not really want to do so. Rather, it is better to regard him as a fool or a trickster, and confine his role to that of giving a hint or an implication.
Another important aspect of this novel is its metafictional devices: Samara's scenario of a play and the characters' debate on the drama in Egypt. These devices violate the frame of the novel itself and deconstruct it to make every reading uncertain.
It should, then, be concluded that Tharthara is a novel which lays stress on uncertainty itself and that the “prophecy” of the novel, if there is any, originates from this very ambiguity.

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Forugh Farrokhzad (1935-67) was a famous modern Iranian poet who expressed her feelings and described her experiences in feminine voice. It is more notable, however, that she is one of the poets who founded modern Iranian poetry, succeeding Nima Yushij (1895-1960).
Indeed, concerning most of her works written in the first, second, and third collection, she obeyed and restricted herself to the traditional forms and language, and these poems are uncomplete and immature. It was through the relationship with the cinematographer and controversial writer Ebrahim Golestan (b. 1922) that she began to develop her poetry, thoughts, and knowledge. In 1964, she published the fourth collection “Another Birth (Tavallod-i Digar)”, whose title shows her own ‘rebirth’ as a poet. In this collection, she tried to produce a new rhythm, style, and poetic language, beyond the various rules of Persian traditional poetry, and she succeeded in creating her unique poetic images which make up her poetry.
Her attempt to write poems not according to forms but to content, especially in terms of poetic language, has had a great influence on many contemporary poets. In regard to images, Forugh made familiar words, for example ‘window’ ‘garden’ ‘home’ ‘hand’, universal images in her poetry, while she adopted some abstract words like ‘line’ and ‘volume’. Through her poetry, which is composed of various images, Forugh observed and described the real world, and she attempted to communicate in her poetry that she always tried to find the truth and make verses for her readers.

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