Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

A Note on the Decline of the Neuter Nouns in Hittite

Terumasa OHSHIRO

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 1-12
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.1

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This paper attempts to throw a light on the historical explanation of the neuter nouns in Hittite. Hittite distinguishes two grammatical genders: common (a conflation of IE. masculine and feminine) and neuter. On analysis, it can be shown that in later Hittite (after 1380 B. C.) there is, within the nom. -acc., the contamination between two grammatical genders. It is probable that the phase indicates the shift from the neuter to the common. Presumably, the ground for this observed fact might be regarded as an analogical functioning of ‘leveling’, which denotes the process tending to complete the standardized system of declension. Therefore, it may be noted that Hittite was on the way to becoming a genderless language. However, the more detailed investigation of Hittite gender must be made, especially on the attestation of the neuter ‘productive’ stems such as archaic r/n-stems and, as pointed out by P. Brosman, i-, u-stems.

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The Architectures of the Eanna Precinct in the J. N. Period

Was the “Stampflehmgebäude” the Residence for the Rulers?

Akiko OKADA

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 13-33
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.13

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Those magnificent large temples in Eanna Precinct at Uruk, which had highly developed during the Uruk period, completely disappeared at the point of transition to the next Jamdat Nasr period. In the “Zwischenschicht” there were more than fifteen troughs dug into the ground for the purpose of purification of the whole sanctuary by the “Brandopfer”. In this new phase (Uruk-III Stratum) the High Terrace was the only imposing construction relating to the religious rituals. Other structures were composed of many small rooms, courtyards, and corridors. This great change was performed in such a short term that there must be taken into consideration of the existence of the powerfull leaders who could control both a mass of man-power and financial ability. The “Stampflehmgebäude” (100×120m²) newly excavated westward the High Terrace may be the largest building in Eanna Precinct through the J. N. period. Compared with the palaces in the Early Dynastic period, I would like to find some clues as to whether this gigantic labyrinthian building was the oldest “palace” in early Sumerian City-States.

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On the Divining by Birds in Ancient Mesopotamia

Akio TSUKIMOTO

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 34-48
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.34

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There are two types of divination by means of birds in Ancient Mesopotamia. The first one is auspicium, namely the practise of divining the future by the observation of the flight and behaviour of birds. We have more than 350 kinds of such omina in texts of relatively good condition.
As to the relation between protases and apodoses in these omina, we can find out at least three principles which explain the reason why a positive apodosis results from a certain protasis, and a negative from another:
1. principle of metaphor; an example: “if a falcon puts a raven to death the king will win over his enemy” because the falcon is compared to the king, and his enemy to the raven.
2. principle of association; an example: the appearance of a black (gi₆) bird wakes an association of an eclipse (an. gi₆) in the future.
3. principle of the dichotomy of space; an example: the existence of a falcon at the right side of a man divines a favourable future for him, while the same falcon at the left side means a malicious one.
Several protases which seem extremely unlikely to happen in reality must be interpreted as the products of the imagination.
The second type is concerned with the physical peculialities of sacrificial birds. There has been a discussion among scholars about “a bird” (mušen=issuru) in certain types of ominous texts. Owing to the courtesy of Mrs. G. A. Matheson, the Keeper of Manuscripts of the John Rylands Library (Manchester), we published here one more late OB text of such a type which reports the observation of “a bird”.

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The Classification and Reconstruction of Textile Designs in the Relief of Royal Boar Hunt at Taq-i-Bustan

Mihoko DOMYO

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 49-75
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.49

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At Taq-i-Bustan situated in northwest Iran, the relief of Royal Boar Hunt of the larger grotto shows the rich illustration of the late Sasanian textile designs, which decorate the garments of the figures. The sorts of the motifs and arrangements of decorative patterns on the garments are selected according to the groups of the figures.
The vegetable motifs contain a lot of variations, but their forms are reduced into a few groups. The origin of floral designs of eight petals, quatrefoil leaves and chrysanthemum remounts to ancient Mesopotamian and Achaemenid art. The motif of quatrefoil rose succeeds Roman and Parthian tradition. The motif of the tree of life is a Sasanian type. Most of their forms are comparatively simple. As the main patterns of the garments, the vegetable motifs are seen only on the kings and musicians' garments.
On the contrary, the bird motifs are richly seen as the main patterns of the garments. The aquatic bird motifs are seen on the rider-courtiers' garments. The cock, peacock, crane and eagle motifs are seen on the other courtiers' garments. The simurgh motif is only seen on the kings' garments. The sheep and boar head motifs are represented on the partial decorations of garments of the crews of the kings' boats. These animal motifs are not decorated with ribbons and pearl necklaces which are very popular in the Sasanian-type textile designs.
In comparison with the designs of Sasanian-type textiles, the arrangements of main patterns on the garments reveal certain irregu-larities and simplifications. These arrangements are classified into several types, such as arrangements of horizontal row, symmetry, zigzag and diagonal lattice. In the Royal Boar Hunt, there are neither zigzag patterns of the roundels surrounded by a pearl ring, nor zigzag patterns of the roundels enclosing symmetrical arrangements. The simurgh pattern of the Mounted King in the lower section of the rear wall shows the most developed phase in the textile designs of Taq-i-Bustan.

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On Some Characteristics of the Middle Persian Ergative Construction

Keigou NODA

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 76-86
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.76

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Middle Persian past sentences are constructed ergatively, i. e. transitive objects and intransitive subjects are coded by the auxiliaries, while transitive subjects are left uncoded.
In this paper some characteristics of this ergative construction are presented. These are:
(1) there is a split conditioned by tense (aspect) of sentence,
(2) the distributional pattern of cases, where they exist, conforms to the ergative pattern,
(3) the distribution of subject properties in the present is different from that in the past, and
(4) there is a difference in relative clause formation between present and past tenses.

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The Account Documents for Barley in the Ur III Period of Lagaš (II)

CT IX 41

Tohru MAEDA

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 87-103
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.87

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In the first part of this paper, I did not deal with CT IX 41 as belonging to the same group of texts of temple estates, CT IX 38, OBTR 242, 252, and UDT 64. The reasons are that 1) I could not decide whether or not Ur-^dba-ú, a son of Ur-dun, who recorded the text, was a šabra or sanga of temples, 2) mu-túm “bringing” appeared uniquely in CT IX 41, while zi-ga “expenditure” was found in similar texts CT IX 38 etc. In part II of this paper, I will examine these points.
I. Ur-^dba-ú was recorded in CTNMC 53 as a person of “scribes of flour”. Since there were no šabra or sanga of temples among the scribes, Ur-^dba-ú worked in a place other than temples. In MVN VI 539, he had the same rank as šabra-sanga as a manager of an estate, but was not a šabra-sanga of the temple itself. It seems to me that he was a person belonging to the ensí's estate.
II. mu-túm. Gomi, ASJ, 2, 87 was concerned with the gathering of barley from several places in Lagaš in the name of Queen Nin₉-kal-la, and this process was referred to as mu-túm. CT VII 27 referred to this barley being brought to ú-URUxGU/ú-URUxA-a, a city of Elam, and this action was called zi-ga. mu-túm indicates that the barley was brought to Queen Nin₉-kal-la. From this example, we can assume that the barley referred to in CT IX 41 was also brought to the ensí's or royal estate.
One of the items of expenditure in CT IX 41 was grain seed, if we consider CT IX 41=MVN II 40 and SET 219 together, we find that the fields to which the grain seed was taken were under the management of ensí. The “expenditure of king” was also recorded in CT IX 41. In conclusion, I would like to suggest that CT IX 41 belonged to the texts of the ensí's estate, and not to those of the temple estate.

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The Bactrian Inscription from Surkh-Kotal

Shigeo MORI

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 104-123
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.104

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I attempted the re-interpretation of the great Bectrian inscription found out in Surkh-Kotal. The inscription, I suppose, makes clear that the acropolis (malizo), the sanctuary of the goddess Oanindo, was built by Huvishka during the Kanishka era 28-30 in order to honor Kanishka II, the king of the Kushan dynasty in that time. But the acropolis was immediately abandoned by gods because of the drying-up of the spiritualised water from the well. This water must have played a special rôle in the religious cults performed in the sanctuary. It is by this character of the water that the inscriptions should greatly emphasize the reconstruction and the importance of the well.
Some of my new interpretation are as follows:
3 mandaro ‘spiritualised’, to *mandara-, cf. Av. mand- ‘dem Gedächtnis einprägen’. Mandaro abo corresponds to 13-14 faro karano abo ‘wonderful (and) pure water’.
4 eiro ‘flowing water’, to *ira-, Av. ira-, ‘energy’, which does not relate to OInd. ira- ‘refreshing water’.
5 lrafo, the name of a town, means ‘flag’, to *drafša-, but not ‘statue of a god’.
9 oispoano ‘all-winning’, to *vispa-vana.- We should recognize the Bactrian phoneme/w/between oispo- and ano, cf. xoadeo/xwadew_??_/.
10 osogdomaggo ‘having a pure mind’ is one of the epithets of Nokonzoko, the overseer of a town (karalraggo). maggo<*manaka- cf. OInd. mana- ‘idea, opinion’.

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Persian Ghazalsof Ghalib

Aiko AOKI

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 124-138
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.124

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Laila and Majnun by Nizami

Emiko OKADA

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 139-150
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.139

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A Refutation of Muslim Saint Worship in the Early 19th Century India

Translation of Ch. 5, Shah Mhd. Isma'il, Tadhkir al-Ikhwan

Kan KAGAYA

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 151-164
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.151

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A Study on the Location of Words in Lines of the Royal Letter-Tablets of the Hammurabi Dynasty

Yoshitaka KOBAYASHI

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 165-174
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.165

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Akira Goto, Muhanmado to arabu, Tokyoshinbun Shuppankyoku, Tokyo, 1980

Nariaki HANADA

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 175-178
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.175

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[title in Japanese]

1981 Volume 24 Issue 1 Pages 182-185
Published: September 30, 1981
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.24.182

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