Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
Volume 26, Issue 2
Displaying 1-14 of 14 articles from this issue
  • Eiichi IMOTO
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 13-30
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    New Persian sada was derived from Middle Pers. *sadag/*satak, which was derived from Old Pers. *sataka-. OPers. *sataka- meant ‘the hundredth’ that is, ‘the hundredth day.’
    In Shahnameh several references to sada together with the No Ruz festival are found. Originally the sada festival was held on the hundredth day from the winter solstice, say, about Farvardin 10th; it lasted to Farvandin 13th (April 2nd).
    The Easter fires are also held about almost the same time and a new fire is lit on the Easter eve.
    The ancient Chinese held the Han-shih-tsieh _??__??__??_ ‘festival of eating cold food’ on the 100th, 103rd or 105th day from the winter solstice. It was held from April 2nd to April 5th. During the three days all fires were put out and a new fire was lit on the last day. The day was the last day of an ancient spring New Year.
    Sada was the last festival of the No Ruz festival and the new fire was lit on that day.
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  • Shigeru KAMADA
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 31-44
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The present paper intends to clarify some aspects of the idea of soul (nafs) of Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi (d. 1640), commonly known as Mulla Sadra. The discussion is focused on the Elixir of the Gnostics concerning the Gnosis of the Path of the Truth and certainty (Iksir al-'arifin fi ma'rifah tariq al-haqq wa al-yagin).
    In his understanding of the soul, its original abode is in the divine world of unity and comprehensiveness. Due to the sin of Adam and Eve or to a natural process, the soul falls in this material world, in which it is imprisoned. With the help of God's prophets and their books it wakes up from the slumber of nature (tabi'ah) and starts returning to its original state (al-halah al-asliyah), which is finally realised at the stage of pure intelligence. The return is the process of the soul's purification from matter and simplification through the activity of its intellective faculty as a spark of the divine light in man.
    The soul's movement of ascent from matter to the pure intelligence is well explained by Mulla Sadra's original theory of the substantial movement (al-harakah al-jawhariyah), which he builds on Ibn 'Arabi's basic insight of the Oneness of Being (wahdah al-wujud). Thanks to this theory, the soul's ascent is directly based on the perpetual flux of Being.
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  • Matahisa KOITABASHI
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 45-60
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The verb šr (*šyr) is the major term which denotes “to sing” in Ugaritic. This term occurs several times in the alphabetic texts of Ugarit. To describe the singing as reflected in those Ugaritic texts is my purpose. This paper deals with KTU 1.23, 1.16, and 1.112.
    Here are the problems. In which scenes do these singings appear? Is there any similarity among those singings? What can we conclude about musical life from examining those Ugaritic texts?
    Our conclusions are as follows. KTU 1.23: 12 seems to be a rubric in a ritual drama which states that something is to be recited 7 times and the 'rbm, who is a kind of personnel in cultic ritual, is to respond. In KTU 1.106: 15-17, after the sacrifices are dedicated to the various gods, the singer (šr) sings 10 times in front of the king and then the king opens his hand. In KTU 1.112: 17-21, on the 14th day of a fixed month, when the gtrm gods go down to the sacrifices, the gtrm respond to somebody and then the qdš priest sings a song. The singing of KTU 1.23 occurs in one of the scenes of a ritual drama, and that of KTU 1.106 occurs together with the performance of a prayer which is given in the ritual of a fixed month. The singing of KTU 1.112 may occur in the oracle We can find a few similarities among those singings. Firstly, those singings occur in a cultic ritual. Secondly, those singings are connected with the gods. Thirdly, we may discover here that the meaning of the singing is man's asking favor of the gods. Thus we might conclude that cultic personnel sang a song in the various scenes of the rituals performed in the Ugaritic kingdom for the purpose of asking favor of the gods.
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  • Tohru GOMI
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 61-74
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Seit den zwei zusammenfassenden Behandlungen der aus Fara stammenden Rechtsurkunden der Fara-Zeit von Edzard und Krecher hat die Zahl der Urkunden, die uns um das Studium der damaligen Gesellschaft zur Verfügung stehen, allmählich gestiegen, dock bleibt nach wie vor recht gering trotz einigen neuen zusätzlichen Veröffentlichungen der Urkunden von Farber und Gregoire., seder neue Text kann also schon an sich wert sein, publiziert zu werden.
    Der vorliegende Text fand sich einmal im Besitz des Toyo Bunka-Instituts der Tokyo-Universität; er bleibt bis heute unveröffentlicht. Heute ist das Original der Tontafel nicht mehr im Institut. Aber glücklicherweise sind drei Adbrucke der Tafel von Herren Matsutani, Chiyonobu und Furuyama des Instituts intakt erhalten. Sie Bind so vollständig und, nur von einigen Zeilen abgesehen, lesbar, daß es uns möglich scheint, ohne Hilfe der originalen Tafel deren Text zu verstehen, der also bier mit freundlicher Erlaubnis der oben erwähnten Eigentümer der Abdrucke zum ersten Mal publiziert wird. Dafür möchte ich ihnen herzlich danken. Mein besonderer Dank gilt auch Prof. Sh. Fukai der Tokyo-Universität für seine freundliche Lieferung von den im Institut erhaltenen Photos des Originals.
    Ich rechne es mir zur großen Ehre an, diesen kurzen Beitrag für die Festschrift zum 77. Geburtstag von Prof. Namio Egami zu liefern, der als der leitende Forscher alter Geschichte Asiens auch um die Entwicklung der keilschriftlichen Forschung bei uns sich eifrig bemüht hat.
    Die Größe der Abdrucke ist 81mm (Länge)×81mm (Breite)×16mm (Dicke). Dafür, daß die originale Tafel nicht nachgemacht ist, sprechen viele innere und äußere Kriterien wie die Größe und Form der Tafel usw.
    Es waren Il und Urnin'unu, die das zur é-KU-Flur gehörende Feld von drei Iku gemeinsam kauften. Der Flurname ist bisher nirgends belegt. Die beiden Käufer erscheinen auch in einem anderen Feldkaufvertrag der Zeit (Krecher, ZA 63 (1973), S. 212) gemeinsam, was für die Zugehörigkeit dieses Textes zu den Fara-Texten spricht. Vgl. dazu Farber, WO 8, 179, Anm. 2. Die Verkäufer des Feldes waren Gudu, Nammah und Nin'ebalagni, die 8 Mana Kupfer, ein Stück Gewand, je 20 Stück Brote und “Gebäcke” usw. als den Kaufpreis für das Feld “aßen.” Als Zeugen dieses Vertragsabschlusses wurden einige Leute im Text erwähnt, darunter Utu'ursag und Sag'antuk, die in anderen Fara-Urkunden belegt sind. Der Vertrag wurde während der Amtzeit des Inimsudazi geschlossen
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  • Shin TAKEDA
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 75-94
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In the Arabic geographical works the term “iqlim” appears frequently. According to Yaqut, an Arabic geographer, this word has four different meanings, i. e. (1) a region; (2) a large village in Andalusia; (3) a “kishwar”; and (4) a climate or a mathematically arranged climatic zone.
    The word “iqlim” is the Arabicized form of the Greek word “klima” which means a climate. This word was used first to indicate one of the seven climatic zones of the inhabited world. This usage corresponds to the stage of introduction by the Moslems of a foreign (i. e. Greek) concept. Then it came to be used as a word that signified the kishwar, a concept of Persian origin. The Persians conceived the whole world to be composed of seven circular kingdoms with their own as the center. Each of these seven kingdoms was called kishwar. The Persian view of the world resembled that of the Greek in that both of them divided the world into seven different units. Because of this similarity the Greek concept of “klima” came to be intermingled with the Persian concept of “kishwar”, both being expressed by the word “iqlim”. One can call this stage as the fusion of the two different concepts.
    Finally, the word “iqlim” was given a new meaning, namely a region. This meant more exactly a kind of administrative unit such as provinces or districts. A large village in Andalusia was also called an “iqlim”. The transformation of the connotation of the word expresses the process in which the fused notion of iqlim and kishwar evolved into an Islamic notion of administrative entity.
    Those who used the term “iqlim” to signify a climate were mainly the scholars of ‘the science of longitudes and latitudes’ such as al-Khuwarazmi, al-Farghani, al-Biruni, az-Zargali and at-Tusi. The writers who belonged to ‘the science of marvels of countries’ used the the term to denote the kishwar. Examples of these writers were Ibn al-Fagih, al-Mas'udi, Abu Hamid al-Gharnati and ad-Dimashgi. The scholars of ‘the science of roads and realms’ such as Ibn Khurdadhbih, al-Balkhi, al-Mugaddasi, al-Bakri and Abu ‘l-Fides’ used the word to mean regions or administrative units.
    A further explanation is provided by Yaqut about the seven climatic zones. He divides the inhabited world (i. e. the northern hemisphere of the globe) into seven climatic zones so that there are differences by thirty minutes from zone to zone in the length of the longest summer day. The zone nearest to the equator is named the first and the furthest the seventh. Then you have thirteen hours of day on the summer solstice in the first zone and sixteen hours in the seventh zone. (Some scholars such as al-Farghani and al-Biruni, on whom Yaqut himself relied, arranged the zones so that you have thirteen hours on the summer solstice in the middle line of the first zone. Another group of scholars such as al-Khuwarazmi adopted a different method according to which you have thirteen hours on the dividing line of the first and the second zones. The latter group belonged to a minority.)
    Yaqut also arranged various regions and cities in each climatic zone from the east to the west. This system of arrangement was also adopted by al-Farghani and al-Biruni. The works of these scholars had a great influence and Yaqut followed their example in his conspectus.
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  • Katsumi MATSUMOTO
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 95-118
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The discovery of the trilingual inscription from Letôon by H. Metzger, 1973, has made a new epoch in the long history of the study of the Lycian language. This paper aims to clarify the main characteristics of Lycian and its position among the Anatolian languages chiefly through a syntactic analysis of the Lycian text. Lycian shares with the other Anatolian languages such features as paratactic constructions and the use of sentence introductory particles but shows, on the other hand, a striking contrast with them in word order and the use of preposition: it is the only VOS and prepositional language among the Indo-European Anatolian languages. This syntactic type of Lycian seems to correlate with its case system, which is characterized by the loss of morphological distinctions of many case endings through phonetic changes and thus is functionally the least effective among the Anatolian case systems. This fact well agrees with the general constatation that in the Indo-European history of syntactic development the languages with the VO word order tend to weaken or lose their case systems whereas those with the OV word order usually keep or strengthen them. With regard to the case endings themselves, especially in plural, however, Lycian shows a quite archaic and conservative character compared with the other Luwian languages, which radically restructured their systems by creating new endings on the basis of acc. pl. -nz. Hence we can infer that Lycian separated very early from the other south Anatolian languages and went its own way in the peculiar development toward VOS order. The writer also suggests that this development was probably caused by the influence from an unknown substratum language which seems also to have exerted a similar influence upon the Greek language.
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  • Katsumi TANABE
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 119-130
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
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  • Yoichi TSUGE
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 131-159
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
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  • Akio TSUKIMOTO
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 160-167
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Tohru MAEDA
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 168-173
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 174
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 175
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 176-187
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1983 Volume 26 Issue 2 Pages 187-188
    Published: 1983
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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