Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

The Smuggling Operation at Timilkia in the Old Assyrian period

Yasushi KAWASAKI

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 1-15
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.1

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This paper focuses on the Anatolian local town, Timilkia, which is one of well-attested caravan stations, being located between Hurama and Hahhum on the main route toward Kanish. Timilkia was also known as location of a karum, and as that of a local palace as well, but it is a fact that role of the town in the Old Assyrian trade was not yet discussed in details (cf. K. R. Veenhof, AOATT, 333f.; K. Nashef, Rekonstruktion, 43f.). The area between Hurama and Hahhum was already identified as where Assyrian merchants were engaged in smuggling operation (pazzurtum), for the purpose of evading their duty to pay import-tax (nishatum) to the local palace in Kanish. The present author suggests in this paper, by examining some references of Timilkia (mainly “Reisespeenabrechung”s <cf. A. M. Ulshöfer, Privaturkunden, Texte 272-302> and letters, ATHE 62, CCT 4 18a; ICK 1 150; kt. 89/k 213; KTK 64), that the town was not among caravan stations in general where a caravan from Assur stopped only for lodging, but was used as the smuggling centre by the Assyrian merchants, that was presumably the main reason the Assyrians established the karum at the town, although both neighbours, Hurama and Hahhum, were also location of karum's.

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On the lubuštu-Ceremony in Babylonia under the Assyrian Empire

Eiko MATSUSHIMA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 16-29
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.16

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So far I raised discussions on the lubuštu-ceremony in the later periods of Babylonia, especially in Sippar and in Uruk, by the use of some neo-babylonian texts, including BBS 36. According to them, we know that, at the occasion of the restoraton of the image of Šamaš in the Ebabbar Temple at Sippar, in the 9th century B. C., the king of Babylon decided the days of the regular offering of clothing, namely those of the annual lubuštu-ceremony to the gods of Ebabbar, at Nisannu 7, Ajjaru 10, Ululu 3, Tašritu 7, Arahsamna 15, Addaru 15. The cultic calendar for the dates of this ceremony at the Ebabbar in fact remained intact through the 7th and 6th centuries, and even at the beginning of the 5th century B. C., under the kings of Chaldean and Achaemenid dynasties. We also have some materials on the same ceremony in Uruk, even though the dates are not the same as those of Sippar.
Among some materials which I have recently collected out of neo-assyrian letters, I found words or reports concerning the lubuštu-ceremony. In this paper I am going firstly to list up these materials, that is to say, ABL 496, ABL 338, CT 53, 116, ABL 956, with selected part of the text, then I will try to visualize the lubuštu-ceremony in Babylonia under the reign of neo-assyrian emperors. I believe that in some temples in Babylonia, at least in the Esagil of Babylon, the lubuštu-ceremony took place, as in the Ebabar, in spring and in autumn. We can observe some common aspects in the relationship between the lubuštu-ceremony and the famous akitu-festival, but the relationship between these two rituals should be left over as one of the themes of future research. We now know that the clothing ceremony lubuštu was one of the important rituals in several temples in Babylonia, and that this tradition remained intact at least since 9th century to the beginning of the 5th century.

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The ‘Necropolis Journal’ and the Absentee Records of the Deir el-Medina Workforce

Shinichi AKIYAMA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 30-47
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.30

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The workmen's village at Deir el-Medina, which was engaged in the quarrying and decoration of tombs in the Valley of the Kings and Valley of the Queens, has left a remarkable full record reflecting many aspects of Deir el-Medina workers' day to day employment. These are of particular interest for the light they shed on the system and nature of the work. Although the potential of these records is great, their evaluation is severely hampered by the fact that they are so fragmentary and difficult to interpret in any systematic fashion.
The available documents of this class, generally referred to today as the ‘Necropolis Journal’, are here gathered together and analysed. The nonliterary texts from Deir el-Medina may be shown to fall conveniently into one of two distinct categories: legal documents; and socio-economic documents. The socio-economic documents may themselves be subdivided into Turnus lists; absentee lists; provisions documentation; name lists and true journal texts.
From the style and content of the various documents it is possible to draw two principal conclusions:
1. Apart from true journal texts, the main body of the ‘Necropolis Journal’ consists of Turnus lists and absentee lists, which had originally been drawn up as separate memoranda.
2. From an analysis of the absentee lists and the ‘Necropolis Journal’ it appears that the Deir el-Medina workforce was reorganized in around the Year 24 of Ramesses III and again under Ramesses V. Similar reorganizations of the tomb workmen are to have taken place in the reign of Horemheb and, another is referred to in Papyrus Greg, as I have shown in a previous article.
From these facts we may suppose that the organization of the workmen was flexible, and altered as and when occasion demanded.

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Tripartite Pillared Buildings Discovered at En-Gev, Israel

Hideo OGAWA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 48-64
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.48

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The Japanese Archaeological Expedition to En-Gev conducted three seasons' excavation work from 1990 to 1992. The dig centered in the acropolis area in the northern part of the site where two neighboring rectangular buildings were uncovered. The inside sections were divided into three aisles by two rows of limestone pillars.
This type of building is called “tripartite pillared” and more than 15 examples have been discovered in the land of Israel over the past one hundred years.
Archaeologists have proposed various theories concerning the upper structure as well as the use to which the building was put. The En-Gev buildings could be restored with a higher roof over the central aisle. Also, it is thought that these were public buildings in which men, wares and animals were accommodated under the same conditions and for a certain period of time. In short, these were official guest houses where not only Israelite but Aramaean travellers (soldiers, merchants, and officers) journeying between Samaria and Damascus took rest and lodged for the night.

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Angelology of the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4QShirShabb; 11QShirShabb; MassShirShabb)

Takaaki HARAGUCHI

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 65-77
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.65

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In this document the angels of God are called ‘messengers, ’ ‘holy ones, ’ and ‘spirits.’ Furthermore, they are called ‘gods.’ The last designation shows the existence of angel veneration among the members of the Qumran community. According to their understanding, the seven archangels are playing a special role as ‘priests’ in the heavenly temple.
In some Old Testament documents, there occurs a notion of the ‘heavenly council.’ This idea was taken over form Canaanite religions and was reinterpreted in the light of the faith in Yahweh the God of Israel. In early Judaism and early Christianity the members of the heavenly council, that is, pagan gods were interpreted as angels. Apocalyptic literature developed the notion of heavenly worship ministered by angels. In the heavenly temple angels were thought to serve and praise God (cf. Jubilees; Revelation; Ascension of Moses). The angelology of the Song of the Sabbath Sacrifice deals with the theme of the heavenly worship by angels as other apocalyptic documents. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that this song concentrates on the priestly function of the chief angels who intercede for sins and bless angels and the righteous believers.
This documents thinks heavenly worship service and earthly worship service are going on simultaneously. The congregation of the Qumran community is conceived to be participating in heavenly worship and the heavenly blessings offered by the archangels. This notion gave a legitimation to the Sabbath worship service of the Qumran community, which consisted of praises and blessings.

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The Military Organization of Al-Baridis

Shigeru SHIBAYAMA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 78-94
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.78

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The 'Abbasid rule had been declining since the tenth century. This decline intensified when Ibn Ra'iq was appointed Amir al-Umara' in 324/936. The appearance of Amir al-Umara' meant the beginning of the period of the rule by army corps in the Islamic world. It is necessary to explain the military organization of the army corps in order to understand the state of the Islamic world at that time. One of the army corps was Al-Baridis.
The preceding studies which specially dealt with Al-Baridis followed their whole activity. But it is not enough to only study the special feature and historical position of Al-Baridis in Islamic history.
In this paper, the author tries to investigate the military organization of Al-Baridis and the base of their power.
As a result of studying Al-Baridis, the author made clear the following points:
(1) The military of Al-Baridis consisted of the army and the river forces.
(2) The army of Al-Baridis consisted of three kinds of military groups, that is, (1) part of ex-Yaqut's soldiers, (2)original military groups possessed by Al-Baridis (3) military groups organized by Al-Baridis after conquering Basra.
(3) In case of the first group, the soldiers were part of non-Arab cavalrymen of the ex-'Abbasid soldiers (Turks), Daylamites, Barbars and Arabs. In case of the second group, the soldiers were three brothers of Al-Baridis and ghulams of them. In case of the third group, the soldiers were a part of non-Arab cavalrymen of the ex-'Abbasid soldiers (Turks), Daylamites, inhabitants of Basra and others.
(4) The river forces consisted of many ships and their soldiers. But a type of ships and the soldiers were not clear.
(5) We can see that the first group of the army was the most important group of all, and the existence of the river forces on a large scale was a characteristic of Al-Baridis's military.
(6) The number of military were around 10, 000 people. We can see that Al-Baridis was a power which was mainly composed of private military groups from the ex-'Abbasid soldiers.

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The Transformation of Isma'ili Eschatology in the Fatimid Period

The Role and Meaning of Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani

Tatsuya KIKUCHI

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 95-109
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.95

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Isma'ili movement rapidly extended all over the Islamic world in the 10th century. One of its primary factors was their messianic thought, which drove them to realize Qiyamah, that is, the end of the world and the realization of paradise. But Fatimid Imams and their empire failed in its realization, and the Fatimid state was transformed into the ordinary state which was occupied in the worldly domination with putting aside the original aim that they would radically change the order on the earth. Accordingly Fatimid rulers were obliged to modify both their eschatological doctrine which Isma'ilis had maintained before the establishment of the Fatimid state and their cosmological theory which had supported their eschatology so as to conform their old doctrine and justify their reality.
In this paper I will examine the transformation of Isma'ili eschatology in the Fatimid period by utilizing Rahat al-'aql and other texts written by Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani who made efforts on the side of the Fatimids in the 11th century and define his role and meaning. He defended the Fatimid state against the Duruz movement, which deified al-Hakim with stating that Muhammad's cycle had been finished. For this purpose he denied al-Hakim's deity and postponed the day of Qa'im's advent. But he emphasized the cosmological importance of Qiyamah and maintained that obedience to the Imam who gave guidance and instruction in each era was inevitable for the salvation of souls at the time of Qiyamah. Al-Kirmani justified the eschatological and cosmological importance of the obedience to Fatimid Imams at that time by putting off Qiyamah, while heightening the value of Qiydmah. He endeavored to change the Isma'ili organization to a millenary empire from a messianic movement.

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Spinoza and the Medieval Dispute on Hebrew Grammar among Jewish Scholars

Toward the Critical Edition of Compendium Grammatices Linguae Hebraeae

Isaiah TESHIMA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 110-124
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.110

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Compendium Grammatices Linguae Hebraeae, as written in Spinoza's final years, is a hurried sketch of Hebrew grammar. Not satisfied with the popular Hebrew grammar at his time, Spinoza tried to reform it with a logical-historical thinking, so much as to account for the arbitrariness of all exceptions, and to free the study of the language from the myth of Hebrew as “Holy Tongue”. Modern critics, however, are quick to point out “mistakes” of Spinoza's grammar in light of today's understanding of Biblical Hebrew. Vloten and Land also shared the same critical view, so that they changed the text of the first print of 1677 in various essential points.
Questioning such a hyper-critical approach as of Vloten and Land who eventually made the “text” more sounding to the modern readers, the present author contends that Spinoza's grammar is misunderstood by modern critics due to the lack of attention to the medieval dispute on Hebrew grammar among the Jewish scholars; in particular, the paper attempts to illustrate the case with the Vloten's emendation which makes the text read “every shewa is a vowel which cannot be heard by itself, ” arguing that the emendation is wrong and unnecessary in light of the dispute between the two camps of medieval Hebrew grammarians (Joseph, Moshe, David Kimhis vs. the traditionalists such as Ibn Ezra, Abraham de Barmes) concerning the Hebrew vowels, and concluding that Spinoza responded to the medieval dispute by thinking of every shewa as “a vowel which can be heard by itself.” Thus, the paper demonstrates the significance of medieval Jewish sources to the study of Compendium Grammatices Linguae Hebraeae.

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Hajji Ebrahim and the coup d'état of 1791

Nobuaki KONDO

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 125-140
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.125

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The coup d'état of 1791 is one of the well-known episodes in Iranian History. Hajji Ebrahim, the mayor (kalantar) of Shiraz, revolted against the Zand ruler, Lotf 'Ali Khan, and took Shiraz, the capital, away from him. After ten months, Hajji Ebrahim handed over Shiraz to Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar, and contributed to his triumph over the Zands.
However, why Hajji Ebrahim could carry out the coup d'état? He was only the mayor, which was not a military office. And why could he repulse the attacks of the Zand army during ten months? Little is known about these questions. The purposes of this paper are to investigate his origin, his career, and the process of the coup, and to reconsider its character on the basis of contemporary sources. Main arguments are following:
1. The ancestors of Hajji Ebrahim were merchants and probably converts from Judaism. Though he was not a man of noble origins, nor a Sayyed, he was appointed to the kalantar because of his skills in administration.
2. His brothers were commander of musketeers corps of Shiraz after the death of Karim Khan and took part in some military expeditions. Hajji Ebrahim and his brother intervened in conflicts for the successions of the Zands with musketeers corps, and assumed great prominence in the Zand government.
3. While the coup d'état of 1791 was also carried out with musketeers corps, Hajji Ebrahim was allied with other notables of other districts in Fars, and they planned to form a ‘federative government’ and refused to submit to any sovereign at first, though they were forced to accept the rule of the Qajars at last.
4. It is concluded that Hajji Ebrahim had same characteristics as the other local powers in Iran, though his rule over Shiraz was over after the nine months. And the success of the coup shows the fact that local powers grew strong enough to upset the dynasty.

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Stone Vessels of Levant in the Iron Age

Takuro ADACHI

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 141-156
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.141

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There are many stone vessels from Iron Age sites in Levant. In this paper, stone vessels are clasified into four forms: three-legged form, bowl-shaped form, chalice form, four-legged form. The three-legged form is divided into four types and the bowl-shaped one is divided into seven types.
Stone vessels are divided into two groups. The first group is found before the Iron Age, the second is found only in the Iron Age. The second group consists of four types: three-legged form no. 3 type, bowl-shaped form no. 2D type, bowl-shaped form no. 1A type, and chalice type.
I suggested here that the second group is used for special purpose, because its members have complicated forms and special hundles, and some decorations in comparision with the first group. Many stone vessels of the second group were unearthed after the 9th century B. C.. They appeared before the Assyrian conquest.

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Zum hurritischen Gilgameš-Epos: ein neuer Zusammenschluß

Mitsuo NAKAMURA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 157-162
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.157

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Unter den fünf bisher bekannten hurritischsprachigen Textfragmenten des Gilgameš-Epos aus Bogazköy finden sich zwei kleinere Fragmente, deren Einordnung nur schwer möglich ist. Aus einer Kollationsarbeit 1996 in Ankara ergibt sich, daß die beiden Fragmente KBo 19.124 and KBo 33.10 ohne Anschluß zu ein und derselben Tafel gehören. Der Text dieser Tafel umfasst vermutlich die Schilderung der Reise des Gilgameš bis zum Berge Mašu nach dem Tod Enkidus, seines Freundes, sowie die Wiedergabe seiner Gespräche entweder mit einem Skorpionmenschen oder mit der Schenkin Siduri bzw. mit dem Schiffer Uršanabi und entspricht damit etwa der 9. and 10. Tafel der akkadischen Ninive-Version. Die letzte Kolumne der Tafel KBo 19.124 (+) KBo 33.10 nennt noch den problematischen Personennamen Ullu and den Namen der Göttin Šauška. Ob these Partie schon zur Erzählung der Sintflut gehört, sei dahingestellt.

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Bezalel Bar-Kochva, Pseudo-Hecataeus, “On the Jews”: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora. California: University of California Press, 1996. (Hellenistic Culture and Society: 21) pp. xii+396; 5 maps, 4 plates

Hazime INOUE

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 163-168
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.163

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Mohammed Hassen, The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860, Trenton, N. J.: The Red Sea Press, 1994, 253 p. (1st ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 253 p.)

Hiroki ISHIKAWA

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 169-175
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.169

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[title in Japanese]

Shohei KOMAKI

1998 Volume 41 Issue 1 Pages 176-182
Published: September 30, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.41.176

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