To what extent should the freedom and rights of private schools be guaranteed and what role should private schools take in the educational system as a whole? These are important questions, which are closely connected to the establishment of the educational system in a nation. Therefore, it is meaningful to study the private school laws in southwest Germany that combined a measure of freedom of private schools with a measure of national control of private schools. This study will help to clarify the nature of the educational system in Germany. The aim of this paper is to clarify the processes by which the private school laws in the southwest region of Germany (State South Baden and Baden-Wtirttemberg) were enacted right after the establishment of Federal Republic ofGermany, and to prove that the regal guarantee of the freedom of private schools and educational recognition, which was newly obtained through enacting the privateschool laws of the l950s, formed, at the same time, one of the bases for the democratization of German publicschools starting in the late 1960s. As regards the German private schools, we have many theses on the educational character of each private schoolor on famous founders of private schools, such as Hermann Lietz and Rudolf Steiner, among others. On the other hand, we rarely note an interest in the relationship between these noteworthy areas of education in private schools and the private school laws. We should, however, note that the regal guarantee of the freedom of private schools, under which the current number of the Steiner Schools (Freie Waldorfschule) has increased up to about 170 schools in Germany, has been acquired through conflicts between proponents of freedom in education andthe traditional system of strong state control over schools. The first legislative attempt to guarantee the freedom of private schools was the South Baden private school law of 1950. The Baden-Wurttemberg private school law of 1956 followed this law. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the theoretical readers of democratic reform of German publicschools in the late 1960s, especially Georg Picht (1913-1982) and Hellmut Becker (1913-1993), had a closeconnection with the enactment of these southwest Germanprivate school laws of the 1950s. However, in previousstudies on the history of German education thesenoteworthy facts have been ignored.This paper, based upon the above-mentioned points, attempts to analyze the following three points; what position the private schools been given in the traditional education system in Germany and in the traditionaltheories of educational law, how and in what educational context the southwest German private school laws of the 1950s were enacted, and what meaning, in the historical development of German education, the enactment of the southwest German private school laws of the l950s had.

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The aim of this paper is to explain the common proportion of educational expenses in the Meiji Period. Educational expenses have been discussed in the contextof their direct connection to public interest in education. We can note that cooperation in bearing the tax burden (not only related to educational expenses) has a deep link to customs and order within the community. If It's true, what be became actual by the burden is not interest for school but the custom of the community. If this becomes apremise, we must extend it to show that citizens have been constrained by customs and order within the community that they have had no choice but to be dependant on. When we attempt to clarify the connection between education for citizens, throughout their lives, we have to make clear that the position and means of the share in whole people's life. And then, that process will make us aware that the means of education itself in whole people's life.It becomes the following if the thing, which I try to statein the main subject, is summarized, 1. The method of determining the proportional share of the educational expense burden changed between 1880's and l890's. As a result of that change, the relative classburdens within the society, in terms of educationalexpenses, also changed. Those changes made changes inquality of means about sharing.2. The ratio of the sharing of educational expenses in thecommunity was settled within the community's social structure. Therefore, members of the community became aware that sharing the tax burden could be associated to their status within the community, rather than simply being associated with a common societal duty. 3. One's status within the community became directly connected to the level of tuition fees paid, and served to make a difference in the attitude of teachers toward children. This, in turn, served to highlight "the statuswithin the community" of people whose children were in these schools. The method of contributing to educational expenses inthe community I researched changed as follows. First, members of the community contributed according to the "Jinko-wart" system (educational taxes were imposed based on the overall number of families) until 1883, and the taxable amounts were higher than taxes which were imposed based on the value of the citizens' estates and properties. Because the ratio of tax payments was based onthe number family members in each family, it was based on the possibility of individual consumption rather than the value of family estates. However, this formal changed when the "Kosu-ward"system was introduced to the community, and such changeinvolves the base of ratio of payment. Clarifying there straint of community is the characteristics of "Kosu-ward". It means that the base of ratio of educational expenses changed to which on the status in community from which on the number of a family. The result of this changing does not emerge the sense of relation between payment and object of that to the people, but consciousness of depending on community. The structure of payment in the community was notemerged for the people that sense for the school (and their education) but the order of their community preceded thatinstead. School (and their education) was existed as "a form of clarifying the order of the community". Because made it become latency, there was common owner consciousness toward the people's school by such aneducational expenses burden form.

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The aim of this paper is to trace the process of the educational practices of Yoshibei Nomura, giving attention to the transition of his first person narratives. Nomura was a teacher at "Ikebukuro Jido no Mura (children's village)", an experimental primary school that was established during the "new education" environment of the Taisho Era. Nomura transformed his style of education through his experience of identity crisis and re-identification of himself as a teacher. This process was represented in his first person narrative with the subject "I". He had questioned the prevalent interpretation of a teacher's role that had been firmly established during the Meiji Era. Nomura became a teacher at "Ikebukuro Jido no Mura" because it supported radical concepts of freedom in order to challenge existing institutions and the established order of school education. Initially, in this phase, Nomurawas self-absorbed and was less focused on education and children per se. This was the starting point of his inquiry of "new education" at "Ikebukuro Jido no Mura". In describing the development of Nomura's educational approach, with its focus on first person narratives, three points emerge: First, the relationship between Nomura and the children that can be expressed by using "You and I", as opposed to" teacher and student" in an institutional context, was revealed on his narratives in 1924-25. In the narrative hereferred to himself as "I" and addressed the children by using their own names. When Nomura used the children's names firstly, the usual conversational formats, in which teachers look at students and speak to them, were reversed and voided. He lost his words for talking about his education. Later, however, he was able to re-establish hisidentity as a teacher within the "You and I" relationship in the narrative of Jissen Kiroku (Descriptions of Educational Practices) with "I" and the children's own names. Nomura also regarded his education as practices, not as a means to an end. Second, the curriculum Nomura created in 1925-26 plurally represented and constructed the children's experiences of Beaming. He showed the social meaning ofleaming, in which singular relationship between the teacher and the child or between the child and the child made sense as appreciation of each other's worlds. On the other hand, he also represented the leaming experience of children as legitimate academic and artistic activities in reorganization of Subjects within the curriculum. Nomura's cumiculum was based more on the meaning of and the relationship in the learning experience, than on the institutional course of study or educational plans. Third, since around 1930, the curriculum that was redeveloped by Nomura resulted in activity within the institution and made the School more systematic, with more defined and unified principle "Kyodo Jichi (cooperative self-government)". Before the transition of the curriculum, the first person he used in his articles was changed from "I" to "we". That is, on the one handNomura came to be more interested in "Social" aspects, on the other hand he lost the sense of singularity of himself and the children. As a result, the educational system at "Ikebukuro jido no mura" was redeveloped into a functional and symbolic system by introducing a grouping system named "House System", with a school song, aschool flag, and other similar aspects.

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The establishment of Imperial University in 1886 was one of the epoch-making areas in the history of universities in modem Japan and served as a model for the subsequent organization of the university system. Therefore, ananalysis of the university policies of Arinori Mori, the first minister of education, who exhibited leadership in helping to establish of the university system in this period, is very immportant. The first purpose of this essay is to identify some important research materials, which can be located at the University of Tokyo. These university materials had not been utilized for any research until quite recently. To date, studies related to the Imperial University Ordinances have been inadequate, largely because the location of many important historical documents has been unknown. In this context, some of these materials will greatly contribute to the study of educational history. The second is to consider the process of university regulation enactment or amendment, centering about correspondence with University and Mori, using concrete three themes as following. 1) University entrance requirements related to the articulation of Universitiys and lower schools; 2) Bachelor degree conferment related to degree regulations; 3) The Graduate School system (it was known as the University Hall system at that time) in the early phases. The final aim of this research is to reconsider the historical concept of Imperial Universitiys in relation to Mori's educational policies. The conclusions reached in this essay are as follows. The first is related to two important documents. Two explanations, of the revision of graduate school regulations and bachelor degree conferment, indicate that the Imperial University had made proposals in these areas themselves. It follows from this that the identity of Imperial universities gradually developed following the establishment of the system. In addition, the two documents suggest that many other documents, conceming Mori's educational policy, may be found at other universities and schools and, if they do exist, would be very important for further research and analysis in this area. The second concerns the exchange of ideas on the concept of Imperial University. Judging from the abovedocuments, indications are that there were exchanges of ideas between faculty members on the concept ofuniversities. Explanations related to revisions of graduate school regulations indicate that the graduate school system was in name only, while colleges constituted the institutional body. This has been the essence of exchangeson the concept of Imperial University. Within the "Regulations of Imperial University, " the 2nd Articlestates that, "The Imperial University shall consist of theUniversity Hall and the Colleges." On the one hand, the Imperial University system was conscious of Minister Mori's influence and correspondence. On the another hand, it began to reform itself in response to the real conditions experienced within the universities a few years later. We may say that the universities had fulfilled their principal functions of cultivating students and had developed the capacity to conduct institutional research, after their establishment. It follows from what this analysis that Mori recognized the need to accept the exchange of ideas of related to what constituted a university along with views held by the state.

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