THE JAPANESE JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH
Online ISSN : 2187-5278
Print ISSN : 0387-3161
ISSN-L : 0387-3161
Volume 80, Issue 3
Displaying 1-13 of 13 articles from this issue
Paper
  • Masahito OGAWA
    Article type: Article
    2013Volume 80Issue 3 Pages 309-321
    Published: September 30, 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: April 04, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper analyzes the history of Tsuishikari School in Hokkaido, which was established for the children of Sakhalin Ainu who were forcibly relocated to Hokkaido. (Tsuishikari is the place name of where Sakhalin Ainu were relocated.) The author paid attention to the following things; government attitudes regarding the forcible relocation, establishment, maintenance and administration of the school, and consciousness and attitudes toward school education of Karafuto Ainu, who were separated from previous foundations of their life, and forced to life in Hokkaido. The summary of this paper is as follows: 1 I reviewed previous studies on Tsuishikari School, and I confirmed that many theses (particularly articles before 1990's) state "Ainu did not understand significance of the education in spite of utmost protection by the administration. Therefore, the attendance at school of the Ainu children was maintained by assistance by the administration exclusively". This is the practical issue of this article. 2 I looked over the Japanese administrative measure from the forced relocation of Sakhalin Ainu to the establishment of the Tsuishikari school. When Sakhalin became the Russia territory by the Karafuto-Chishima Exchange Treaty (1875), the Japanese Government insisted, "Sakhalin Ainu belongs to Japan" and strongly required Sakhalin Ainu to emigrate to Japan. As a result, more than 800 people (equal to about one-third of Sakhalin Ainu) were made to emigrate to Tsuishikari. However, the administrative posture was extremely strong toward the relocation but is non-premeditated about the measure for Sakhalin Ainu after the relocation. 3 Kaitakushi established a school in Tsuishikari in 1877. Kaitakushi positioned the school as an institution for "protection" and "assimilation" and advertised "results of utmost protection for Karafuto Ainu." However, the expense to maintain this school was really based on profits by the labor of Sakhalin Ainu themselves. In 1880, about 70 children entered this school. It was a demand of the Sakhalin Ainu forced to life in Hokkaido chose forcedly, called "have to let our children receive education". On the other hand, for example, teachers were changed frequently and the management of this school was extremely unstable. This instability was an outcome of a Kaitakushi not having been eager in the maintenance of the school. 4 Because Tsuishikari was far from the shore, Sakhalin Ainu gradually moved to Atsuta and Raisatsu of the shore from about 1882 as they were not able to build the foundations of their life at Tsuishikari. Sakhalin Ainu let children go to school in Atsuta and Raisatsu, so, we understand that Sakhalin Ainu continued having a demand for education. However, the administration still insisted on letting a child enter Tsuishikari School for a while. The previous studies often state that "Ainu did not understand significance of the education in spite of utmost protection". But, such a description takes the wrong understanding of the actual situation. The Sakhalin Ainu demanded education, but the administration did not enact it.
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  • Jun YAMASHITA
    Article type: Article
    2013Volume 80Issue 3 Pages 322-332
    Published: September 30, 2013
    Released on J-STAGE: April 04, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This study focuses on the creation mechanism of relative age effect and investigates the relationship between children's birth month and parents' (mother's) socioeconomic status and involvement in education. Previous studies have investigated the relative age effect on children's academic ability, academic achievements, and participation in sports. Unlike previous studies, this study does not investigate the direct effet of birth month on educational outcome, but instead performs quantitative research on the uninvestigated relationship between children's birth month and their mother's socioecomonic status and involvement in education. The results reveal that mothers who are enthusiastic about educational expenses tend to not have children who are born between January 1 and April 1 (end of the school year). Furthermore, this tendency differed among regions and was found mostly in regions with a high attendance rate of cram schools. This study cannot verify whether the birth month of a child is an intentional result of the parents (whether parents choose to have children in a specific month) or an unintentional result. However, the study was able to indicate the type of parents who have children that are not born at the end of the school year. This study provides a basic analysis for clarifying the critical mechanism of children's birth month.
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