The educational theory in Post-war Japan has not recognized internal relationship between public education and the market. This paper first focuses on the internal relationship between modern public education and the market through the welfare state, then examines the transformation of such welfare state and also considers the alternative relationship between public education and the market incident to dissolution of the welfare state. The market can not guarantee its own reproduction. So, it has to introduce devices for reproducing human subsistence. The primary devices, as Althusser formulated, are a modern family and modern public education supported by the welfare state. Such reproduction system is also called"the social"by Hannah Arendt. After 1970's, the reproduction system supported by the welfare state faced a crisis. Under the circumstances, two approaches came to the theoretical and political surface. One was a communitarian approach, which aimed to embed back into the community the human subsistence that was reproduced by the modern family and the modern school supported by the welfare state. The other was a market-based approach or libertarian approach, which criticized dependence on the welfare state and tried to restore individuals'own decision making. However, neither approach could take into account the new public concept which would replace the old public concept represented by the welfare state. Bowles and Gintis are among the theorists who sought this new public concept. Bowles and Gintis proposed the "new rules for markets, states and communities"in 1996. In this proposition, they emphasized that egalitarian strategies had to abandon any attempt to outrage market outcome through taxation, which had been overly emphasized, and also had to change policies in the direction for reducing the consequences of concentrated ownership. Through this argument, they introduced a system for school choice as a new public education system. The school choice system untroduced by Bowles and Gintis was not considered as privatization of public education but a new public system. This point of view was also important in restructuring the postwar democracy and public education in Japan.
This paper deals with the problem, "the public aspect of education"in following the lead by the theory of communicational action by J.Habermas. In the past, the question on the public aspect of education was discussed as the problem of a relation between school and a nation, whereby the large point at issue was for the citizens to prevent the public aspect from being monopolized by the government and to prevent the school education from being intervened by the power of the state. However, the situation today is that the diversity of people, who have been categorized as the citizen, comes to the fore and that it shakes the public aspect of education. For example, adjustments are required between demand by various communities for recognition of their identities and the nautrality of public education or between demands for expanded selections under liberal education and the social solidarity by education. Incidentally, Habermas advocates the theory of communicational action and the discourse principle for the purpose of realizing the idea of citizenoriented public sphere under the conditions of the modern society. With the idea of the public sphere in which national power is controlled through the public opinion, the question is worth pursuing in what form this idea of the public sphere can be realized in the field of education. First in this paper, in reference to the possibility of a political influence by communications and opinions in the public sphere as stated by Habermas, I would like to examine it through a comparison between the liberalism and communitarianism(I).Then, I explain the communicational individuality, which takes part in the political influence in the ublic sphere, and the formation of such individuality(II). These analytical steps are intended to show that the public aspect of education should not be grasped as the"characters"of teachable substance such as common good or universally acknowledged human rights, but should rather be grasped as a kind of mechanism by which the process of discussion and praxis is incessantly continued for the purpose of keeping in balance the double nature of the individuality as being public as well as private.
The promotion of decentralization is one of the major reform issues, today. The purpose of this paper is to consider the decentralization of public administration and the transformation of the concept of public education from the following three viewpoints. First, recent reform toward decentralization requires not only a shift in power from central to local government but also a change in the mode of public administration. In modern states, public administration is not merely an agency which precisely implements a legislature's policies. Rather, It plays important roles in forming public policies and has broad discretion in implementing them, This means that public administration, itself, is deeply involved in selecting and grading values for public policies, and the recent reform requires the establishment of a more participatory system of the public administration at the local level. This has the potential of weakening the bureaucratic buffers, and forcing the teaching profession to be more accountable to parents and inhabitants, and more responsive to their demands. Second, decentralization is promoted in close relation to the trend toward reducing state function;that is, deregulation and privatization of public services.In the field of education, deregulation and privatization were first promoted in life-long learning, and then introduced into school education. Such changes would transform the concept of public education based mainly on the state to that of"public education"where a variety of sectors-such as the state, private enterprise and volunteer groups-are engaged in providing educational opportunities. When these two major reform trends, decentralization and reduction of the state funcion, intersect, the heavy responsibility of deciding what role, to what extent and in what way the public sector should play in education would be placed in the hands of the inhabitants of each municipality. Third, there are specific problems in the effort to decentralize education. It is evident that the decentralization of administrative and financial structure brings about diversity;however, stated another way, this means an inequality of public services among municipalities. One justification for this"diversity"is the theory of autonomy:those who make a decision should be responsible for its result. In the case of education, however, it is not a valid principle because decision-makers of public services(i.e.adults)are different from the recipients(i.e.children). Furthmore, the realization of participatory democracy among adults is not synonymous with the nurturing of future democratic citizenship. If the major role of school is to foster future citizens, decentralization, itself, cannot be the goal of educational reform. We ought to question what influence the reform of the participatory decisionmaking system at the local level could actually have on changes in the educational process. Praising participation without considering this point is risky. Historically speaking, the professionalization of educational administration and the state intervention to guarantee equal educational opportunity were required on the basis of limiting participatory, selfhelp local autonomy.
The aim of this paper is to clarify first how feminism treated the distinction between the public and the private aspect in modern society, and then to examine discussion of recent years concerning feminism and public education. The first wave of feminism, typified by the movement for female suffrage in the early 20th century, claimed an equal right to take part in the"public"sphere, assuming the modern definition of"public". However, the second wave of feminism from the 1960's onward, had doubts about the division between the public and the private aspect. "The personal is the political", a famous slogan of the second wave of feminism, expressed criticism about distinction between the public and the private aspect, criticizing presence of sexism in the"private"area as well as in the"public". The second wave of feminism tried to make an issue out of the power relation dominated by men, which was prevailing through the whole life style then. At present, feminism is said to have won recognition in the Japanese society. In the discussions of recent years, some were skeptical if the feminism, which used to be anti-establishment, was now standing by the side of the establishment, the power. In connection with education, feminism has criticized sexism in schools and demanded that the learning environment for girls be improved. Such a movement has influenced various stages of education from elementary to higher education. As a result, it developed into a situation, which could be termed as the"institutionalization"of feminism into public education under so-called"equality of the sexes"or"gender-free education". For the second wave of feminism that criticized public education itself, the institutionalization of feminism into public education was internally an inconsistency. Feminism developed a unique methodology of learning-teaching process. The methodology it emphasized, for example, refused passive learning under the conventional hierarchical teacher-student relation, aimed to establish a learner's self-direction, and realized a process of consciousness-raising based on the principle that"the personal is the political". The idea that boys and girls should learn equality, freedom and liberation from the viewpoint of feminism unavoidably contradicts the situation at school where there are unbalanced power relations between teachers and students. Under such contradictory circumstances, what will be the future of an education that aims at equality between men and women? The assignment for the gender and the educational research from now on is to demonstrate the actual state of the educational promotion aiming equality of the sexes now in progress and to elucidate what such promotion has brought to the educational front.
The aim of this paper is to clarify the structure of Ito Jinsai's doctrine of"extension", by which Jinsai meant moral practice for exerting one's conscience on the variety of human relations. The writer sets the following three points to be discussed. The first point is what Jinsai considered as the object of"extension". Jinsai divided human disposition into"nature"and"mind", with the understanding that the former is the natural and unconscious matter while the latter is the spontaneous and conscious matter. Then, he assumed that the basis of the"mind"is the"four beginnings in human mind"consisting of the senses of commiseration, shame, compliance, and mormal judgment, and that, by extending these senses, the"nature"can also be"extended". The second point is how Jinsai thought about the purpose of the"extension". In this connection, he thought that the process of extension from the"four beginnings of human mind"to the"morality of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom"is also the process of extension of human relations proceeding from the self to others and from an intimate person to remote. Thus, Jinsai's concept of"extension"was explainable from the viewpoint of human relations. The third point is how we appreciate Jinsai's doctrine of"extension"historically.His"extension"was expounded with an intention of emulating Chu-Hsi's doctrine of learning, which emphasized restoration of one's"original nature". While Chu-Hsi set the object of learning internally in one's true nature, Jinsai meant to unify one's inner nature with one's outer social relations through learning. Jinsai's doctrine of"extension"also had a unique meaning of his own completely different from the doctrine of"mastery"by Ogyu Sorai, who was a typical Confucianist after Jinsai and who set the object of learning thoroughly externally in preaching"mastery".
The objective of this paper is:(1)to trace the process of foundation of"the Association of Free School(Landerziehungsheime and Freie Schulgemeinden)in Germany"and the activities in its early stages, giving attention to consciousness of actors in this Association;and (2)to present, through such tracing, a new interpretation of the Landerziehungssheim movement, an interpretation different from that of the Nohl School. First, I give an outline of the spread of the free schools of Landerziehungsheim until the 1920's and their interrelations. Second, I point out that each school was confronted with the common economic problem of inflation after World War I, which led to the networking of these schools through a yearly conference. Then, I describe the foundation of"the Association of Free Schools in Germany"in the third conference at the Odenwaldschule in October 1924. Third, I consider the congress in May, 1925, named"the Landerziehungsheim", which was held jointly by the Association and the Central Institute(Zentralinstitut fur Erziehung und Unterricht)in Berlin. I then clarify how the network of the free schools of Landerziehungsheim started to function and was widely introduced to the society. Finally, from the above study of the foundation and activities of the Association, I draw a conclusion about the Landerziehungsheim movement in the following two points:(1)As to the formation of the movement;according to the traditional interpretation of the Landerziehungsheim movement by the Nohl School, the"criticism of culture"("Kulturkritik")at the end of the nine-teenth century was regarded as a decisive factor for the movement, with the movement beginning with the founding of a first school of Lietz. However, assuming that self-consciousness of belonging to their own group as"Landerziehungsheim"and a social recognition as such were indispensable to the movement, the fact that those schools were increasing in number until the 1920's is insufficient, if indispensable, as conditions for the movement to come into existence. It was the foundation and activities of the Association that formed the driving force for motivating, developing and substantiating the movement. (2)As to the unification of the movement;Nohl believed that the Landerziehungsheim movement was firmly unified. However, I analyze that, by the foundation of the Association, an ambivalent feeling of togetherness was formed among the free schools. On one hand, in the process of the foundation, the members of the Association came to realize that they formed their own unique group distinguishable from public schools and other private schools. On the other hand, in the situation where they became conscious of each other and made mutual comparisons, they also became aware of differences between themselves, which caused friction. In other words, the foundation of the Association brought two kinds of self-consciousness, namely, unification against outsiders and differentiation within their group.
In this paper, Emma Willard's posture as a teacher is clarified as well as the actuality of her teacher education, with their meaning examined, by focussing on Troy Female Seminary founded by her in the early 19th century. Troy Female Seminary has been the object of inquiry in the context of female education. However, neither the accomplishment of Willard as a teacher educator nor her pedagogy at the Seminary has been reviewed in the U.S.or in Japan, so that thses areas remain to be studied. Therefore, this case study rewrites the conventional understanding of the U.S history of teacher education in five points as follows. First of all, in the historical studies of American teacher education, it was traditionally said to be established for the first time by state normal schools in the 1830's. In actuality, however, Willard had already created the organs of teacher education and the pedagogy in the 1810's. Indeed, it was the theory developed at the Seminary that provided the logical ground for the establishment of the state normal schools. Second, prior researches explained that the U.S.professionalization movement for teacher education was motivated by rapid increase in demand for teachers for the Common School Movement. However, the case study on Willard indicates that the logic of teacher professionalism and teacher training had already been presented before the increase in the demand. In America, the professionalism emerged, not from the social needs for teacher education, but from the efforts of females who were trying to attain economic independence and expansion of educational opportunities and who were in need of the professionalism of teachers for the purpose of creating a demand for their own services. Third, this case study elucidated that the teacher preparation in the U.S.began as women's higher education. It accounts for the phenomenon in which most students of the State Normal Schools were women. In addition, it enabled a conventionally neglected relationship to be clarified, a relationship between teacher education and women's education, particularly between the low social status of teachers and that of women.Willard made a great success in the tactics of claiming female suitability for teaching profession on the basis of femininity under the then prevailing gender precepts. However, her logic had the unintended consequence of low wages and low social status of teaching profession, prejudiced gender comparison, ranking difference from male managerial jobs, etc. Fourth, the history of teacher education conventionally described conflict between the group of academies thinking much of teacher's scholarly attainment and the group of the State Normal Schools emphasizing teacher's preparatory education. In the subject case study, however, a curriculum integrating the two groups had been created. The curriculum at the Troy Female Seminary was equivalent to that of a college for men though Willard avoided calling it a college for tactical reasons avoiding repulsion from the society. This discovery suggests that"the third trend"existed about 80 years before Dewey, which is worthy of note. Fifth and finally, this case study revealed that Willard and other leaders at Troy Female Seminary had developed as early as the 1820's, unique text books and teacher education methods in which a number of illustrations were used for the purpose of promoting visual understanding based on Pestalozzi's pedagogy. In the prior researches, it was explained such that Edward A. Sheldon at Oswego Normal School first applied Pestalozzi's pedagogy to teacher education in the United States.
This paper introduces a newly-found imperial ordinance draft drawn up by Emil Hausknecht(1853-1927)on certification and state examination of middle school teachers, a draft whose existence was firmly believed but was never confirmed. Emil Hausknecht, a foreigner teacher in Tokyo Imperial University from 1887 to 1890, appealed in his letter to Yajiro Shinagawa, stating that the draft was prepared with Kazuyuki Egi and that the immediate promulgation would be appreciated. Hausknecht insisted on occasion that middle school teachers should be selected from university graduates by two state examinations as in Germany and that their status and treatment needed to be enhanced. However, in the draft, he made a compromise on this most important point. Nevertheless, the imperial ordinance draft contained a number of differences compared with the existing examination system for middle school teachers in Japan. Therefore, it was meaningful to submit the draft to the Japanese government. The draft also contained uncompromising points. There were two important points;one was the adoption of two-step examination system as in Germany, in which a knowledge test and a practical ability test were required;the other was the introduction of pedagogy/teaching method as a compulsory subject for all candidates. The latterpoint was particularly the one Hausknecht could not concede as a Herbartian. After all, the imperial ordinance was not issued, and Hausknecht went back to Germany disappointedly. However, many items contained in the draft were realized each time the state examination system was reformed. Out of the items insisted by Hausknecht, unrealized were only three, namely, the practical ability test, combined subject examination system, and title system for higher grade teachers. It is not certain, however, if the realization was really derived from the imperial ordinance draft. There has been no proof in the affirmative nor in the negative as of now. The remaining problem is a new historical discovery.