This paper analyzes general areas of education in the Japanese college education system that have been unsuccessful in the post-war period, and also includes a close examination of the concept of cultural education. The notion of cultural education appeared in Europe during the 12th century when people became more individualistic. Universities were the places in which cultural education was cultivated. The original object of the pursuit of culture in that period was to find out more about ways of life. Therefore, it was not only a subject for individuals, but also for groups such as peasants, fishermen, and labourers, Before individuals appeared, such groups had found ways to live through actions and behavior, while letters and books had been hardly used or referred to. After the emergence of the individual, however, the culture was pursued mostly through literature. Since then, the concept has been regarded as inseparable from 1i1.erature. In order to enrich the cultural education in Japan, it is necessary to pay attention to factors which are not described in language. We also need to establish an education system in universities that is open to the public regardless of age.
The development of a liberal and general education curriculum is the most urgent task facing universities in Japan. In this report, the author, through his experience as a Dean of the Education Department at the University of Tokyo and as a Director of the Center for the Development of General Curriculum at Rikkyo University, proposes his ideas on the development and maintenance of a general and liberal curriculum. His proposals are as follows: l) It is necessary to set new educational goals for undergraduate education. Both Japanese academic society and the people involved should set undergraduate goals in order to produce disciplined youth who have gained new knowledge and developed sensitivity toward problems that face humanity today, and who have found new insights into the future of the world. The traditional understanding that the goal of education is to produce professional people having humanistic culture must be changed. The Japanese university must aim to be an institution for liberal arts education in its pure form. 2) To achieve this aim it is necessary to develop a new curriculum. The curriculum has to include the following four intellectual spheres: The first area is the problems related to the environment, while the second is theories on human rights. The third area is life sciences and philosophy, and the last is knowledge of space. Fifty years ago, when the new course of general education was introduced from United States to Japan, Japanese academics did not consider these four intellectual spheres to be the parts of the general culture that were necessary for the students and the graduates to team about. However, they have become essential parts of general culture and common basics for young intellectuals because learning within these spheres will guide the students to a better understanding of the universal human problems of our age. 3) For the past five years innovations in teaching and curriculum development have progressed remarkably in many universities and junior colleges. However, the greatest problem is how to establish them in a stable, powerful and everlasting system on campuses. Such a system is indispensable to eternal innovation and development, that is to say, to university reform. Unfortunately, national universities seem to have failed to develop such an organization because their internal systems are too static and rigid. The author illustrates a successful case of Center for the Development of the General Curriculum at Rikkyo University, his former office, and he suggests that success of the liberal and general education depends upon changing the mindsets of the members of the faculty. The following attitude needs to be developed: "We belong to the faculty, but at the same time we belong to the department of the liberal and general education department." The author feels that this is key to the new curriculum development that will lead to university reform.
The aim of this paper is to examine the culture of the New Age Movement in Japan. In Japanese, it is called "Seishin-Sekai". Since the 1980s this culture has developed in various fields as an alternative to modem-materialistic-established science (Academia). This culture should not be understood only as an occultic science, but also a new cosmology that people need in an age of earth crisis or at the dead-end of modem civilization. It is an altemative way of looking at things, and can be described with such adjectives as "ecological, holistic, transpersonal, spiritual, cosmological". How should Academia cope with such a popular movement? The first point is to examine three keywords. First, "KOKORO" (soul, mind, psyche), is within the field of psychological spiritual religious complex. Secondly, "KARADA" (human living body), is not a material, but a body in which we are living. Finally there is "INOCHI" (Life), which means not only the life of one person but the continued life of all living creatures or of the earth itself. These keywords represent an alternative framework to a modem materialistic reductionism. The second point is to examine two main theories: First, the Holistic movement in education, followed by the Transpersonal movement in psychology. These theories have the potential to maintain the dialogue with established Academics. Based on these analyses, this paper clarifies the characteristics of this movement: l. This movement will keep increasing in popularity, especially when supported by people who are sensitive to 1: he current ecological crisis and who are disappointed with modem science; 2. Because of its romantic tendency, this movement may eventually wind up as a pop science or as a form of popular entertainment; 3. To avoid such a fate, it will be necessary for its proponents to continue the dialogue with established Academia; 4. It is also necessary for the Academia itself to have a sympathetic and a critical approach to such popular movements, and, by extension, to the actual needs of this post-modern society.
In this paper, I will examine the contribution of women's studies/gender studies in the area of "kyoyo kyoiku" (Liberal/General Education) in Japanese universities. According to the traditional definition, the role of "kyoyo kyoiku" is to assist the development of well-balanced personality among university students through the acquisition of broad-based knowledge in Arts and Sciences. But after the second wave of women's movement, it is generally accepted that "knowledge" is genderized. Gender is one of the most fundamental structures of our social organization and our experiences of ourselves. An understanding of gender relations is therefore central to an understanding of contemporary social life and processes of social change, locally and globally. It is therefore important to include gender perspectives in "kyoyo kyoiku" at the universities. Com-pared to other countries, however, not many Japanese universities offer women's/gender studies. According to the survey done by the National Women's Education Center in 1996, 351 universities have such courses but none offers a degree course at the undergraduate level. And at the graduate level, Josai International University and Ochanomizu University offer M.A. and Ph.D.degrees. Section One discusses various aspects of gender bias found in Japanese universities, including the under-representation of female faculty members. Section Two introduces a general survey of women's/gender studies courses offered in various Japanese universities. Section Three considers several reasons for the increase in the number of students enrolling in women's/gender studies courses. One reason is the innovative method of teaching employed by those who teach the courses. Section Four describes some of the students' reactions, when they are confronted with "new knowledge" offered by women's/gender studies. In the Japanese education system, students are normally instructed to memorise and absorb "knowledge" which is remote from their own experiences. But this paper shows that when students are exposed to women's/gender studies, they come to see how "knowledge" is constructed, and realize that they have the power to challenge /question the old value system and construct a new one. Furthermore, the awareness of how gender identities are socially/culturally constructed opens the possibility of constructing their own identity without being bound by social convention and thus of discovering a new future. Women's/gender studies also enable them to see the gendered power relationship in public arena. For example, upon examining an incident when a high school girl was kidnapped, raped and murdered by a group of youths, most students taking these courses were able to see the hidden gender bias in mass media. This paper also touches upon how students, both female and male, became sensitive to the way rape victims were treated by the police. They also realized the lightness of the penalty imposed on the culprits of rape in the Japanese legal system. Once they understand that both knowledges and social systems are genderized, it is easier for them to understand that the Declaration of Human Rights in the French Revolution or the idea of republicanism, for example, exclude women. They also understand the way modem science has encompassed sex and race discrimination. Such awareness encouraged them to think about the importance of creating new knowledges Which are not gender biased. In many countries, the importance and usefulness of gender analysis are recognized in various fields. I therefore argue that women's/gender studies perspectives should be incorporated more fully in "kyoyo kyoiku" in all the universities in the twenty-first century.
This paper tries to clarify the concepts of "liberal education" and "general education, " and the relation between them in the history of American higher education so that we can retrieve some suggestions for reconsidering recent controversial issues related to liberal and general education in Japanese colleges and universities. In order to accomplish the purpose of this study, the exploration of the history and current reforms at the College of the University of Chicago has been chosen as a case study. In 1999, the College began to reform its undergraduate curriculum which was last revised in 1984, and there has been a great deal of disagreement over the reform because Chicago's traditional Common Core courses are to be reduced and free electives are to be increased in the new proposed curriculum. In addition, the College had a unique experience related to experimental reforms to its curriculum and organization during Robert Maynard Hutchin's tenure as president and chancellor (1929-1951), though the University of Chicago has been a major research university in the United States from its establishment to present. Those who want to preserve the traditions of liberal education at "Hutchins College" of the University of Chicago have criticized the undergraduate College curricular reforms of 1999. The reforms, however, imply that a new conception of liberal education in a multi-cultural society should be reconstructed as one which includes a common core general education, a specialized and concentrated area of discipline and students' independent study outside the classroom and even their own country. I believe that the University of Chicago reform provides us with a new framework for reference points in reconstructing conceptions of liberal and general education in Japanese higher education. The discussion of this paper will proceed as follows. First, I will point out that Japanese higher education has confused the concepts of liberal education and general education in the United States which were the typical models of the new system of Japanese higher education after World War IF. It has especially been misunderstood that liberal education and specialized undergraduate education are inevitably opposed to each other. This does not coincide with 1: he original concept of liberal education in the United State's. Secondly, I will present the history of the idea of liberal education, in particular the two traditions of "orators" and "philosophers, " according to Bruce A. Kimball. The history of liberal education is a series of debates between the "artes liberates ideal" of orators and "liberal-free idea" of philosophers, and now the construction of an integrated ideal between them is required. Third, I will examine the curricular revision of 1999 and the history of experimental reforms at the College of the University of Chicago. The liberal education at the College consists of a common core general education., specialized concentration and free electives, and the efforts that are made to extend educational activities outside the classroom and campus. It is an endeavor to integrate the "artes liberates ideal" and the "liberal-free id<cal" of liberal education. Finally, I will conclude that Japanese higher education has to reconstruct a new concept of liberal undergraduate education that does not exclude specialized studies and extra-curricular activities.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the following three subjects: (1)How was 'culture' (kyouyou) discussed in the arguments on Japanese high school education, and what kinds of fundamental forms were marked? (2)What influence did the high school education reforms exert on deconstruction and reconstruction of 'culture' after the Second World War? (3)How can we change our concept of "culture" in the contemporary society? The status group 'culture' couldn't be 'culture as citizenship', as it had reproduced the inequality in social and cultural dimensions. We can find that a well-balanced philosophy of 'culture' was presented soon after the war. However, the way in which we have taken 'culture' as substances has been dominant, and so it was taken narrowly as 'educational foundation' or 'individuality'. The economic logic and theory of educational investment individualized 'culture' accompanied with the elitist ideology. As high school education expanded further and its hierarchical structure deepened, 'culture' was considered as the minute differences between academic achievements. We can recognize the "modem view of the world" as an undercurrent of the 'educational discourse of deficiency' that has dominated high school education reform. Such a structure of discourse generates the fragmented 'culture' in a structural way. Recent reforms of high school education couldn't prevent such tendencies. Thus, the "relations" (ie. relating and relationships) of high school students have some distinctive features which are far from the status of the wholeness of 'Life'. We should break with substantialism and recreate culture in the same way that we reconstruct the "relations" with our various environment respectively in the contemporary society. It is tentatively emphasized the five essential points in this paper are as follows: (1) To view the wholeness of "knowledge" and "Life" more importantly. (2) To try to reflect toward an open-system of "culture". (3) To reexamine the conditions of our jobs and organization in the view of teacher as a coordinator. (4) To reconstruct "relations" through public opinion and communication instead of opposition and dispute. (5) To establish interactive "relations" with the outside world (including political issues). We are now at a fuming point and need to test what kind of "culture" we can reconstruct in our high school education system.
The objectives of this paper are to characterize the Kyoyo problem in Japanese society; where the number of foreign residents has been increasing rapidly, and to discover how we can reconstruct Kyoyo in a multicultural society through education. Particularly, I have paid attention to the difficulty in communication through Japanese characters 'Kanji', and syllabary 'Hiragana' and 'Katakana' . Many newcomers who have come to Japan since the l98O's are still unable to read Japanese. They don't have enough skills in reading and writing Japanese, which are basic skills indispensable for citizens to exercise their own civil rights. I think that this is a serious problem in Japanese society from a multicultural perspective. In July and August, 1998, I conducted research into the skills of reading and writing Japanese utilizing a questionnaire, survey and interviews with 80 Japanese-Brazilian residents who live in a housing-development in Toyota-city, Aichi prefecture. Through that research, I found: (1) Most were unable to read and write Kanji, including the characters for "Kinshi" (prohibition), "Chui" (to pay attention), "Kiken" (danger), "Kin-en" (non-smoking) which are most important signs to function effectively within society; (2) Although most couldn't read and write Kanji, many were able to read and write Hiragana and Katakana; (3) In spite of poor Beaming conditions, they have the desire to Team Japanese Kanji characters. Considering the results of this research, I made three related proposals to maintain communication skills which are indispensable for the multicultural community: (1) To list the Furigana beside all of the Kanji used on signboards in public spaces and institutions such as civic halls, hospitals, bus stops and railway stations; (2) To simultaneously provide the acquisition of reading and writing skills in Hiragana and Katakana as the basic required skills for residency in Japan; (3) To provide multi-lingual services to newly-arrived people until they have acquired the required skills. In order to put these three proposals in practice, we have to pay special at1. ention to literacy education in Hiragana and Katakana for foreign residents. Although the number of Japanese classes has been increasing, it is not adequate to meet the needs that have increased due to the rapidly increasing number of foreign residents. The result is that just a portion of' the residents have access to Japanese classes. Under inadequate learning conditions, it is difficult for foreign residents in Japan to acquire the necessary reading and writing skills in Hiragana and Katakana. I think it is necessary to create a new basic education system that will allow the residents to learn Hiragana and Katakana and for the national and local governments to be obligated to support this system. In order to develop this new system, it seems to me that the implementation of anew concept "Social Basic Education" similar to the Adult Basic Education systems in Europe and North America would be the most effective. Another consideration to put these three proposals into practice is to organize the educational activities to allow Japanese residents to become aware of the necessity to maintain channels of communication with the increasing number of foreign? residents. These communication skills are the most important basic skills required to protect the community against social disorder. It is necessary to develop the Beaming program with practical goals and to organize quality learning in order to create a new culture that encompasses living together with foreign residents.
The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between the control policy, enforced by an educational affairs section of Chiba, to "Jiyu Kyoiku" ("liberal education") and amendments to the system by local government officials (1926). At the time, experiments in education by the elementary school attached to the normal school and private schools were regarded as part of "Taisho-Jiyu-Kyoiku". Furthermore, the study will show that the governmental authorities suppressed the educational practice of allowing voluntary study by children, both the study and the movement. On the local level, some good results were obtained; however, the new practice of elementary education had to be undertaken under conditions of confrontation between the educational movement and the Ministry of Education. And also the timing was considered to be coincided with the historical transformation from "Taisho-Democracy" to "fascism". In this study I would like to focus on a control policy against "Jiyu Kyoiku", which was promoted by Chiba prefecture, along with an examination of the local educational practices as they involved the local government itself. In particular, I examined how an amendment to the system of local government officials (1926) made a transformation of the educational administrative organ of Chiba and served to control "Jiyu Kyoiku". As a result, it becomes clear that Chiba prefectural authorities intended to "control" "Jiyu Kyoiku", and were motivated by: 1) specialization in the function of educational administration, 2) an amendment to the system of local government officials (1926), especially a general demand for control of the system of public schools with the repeal of the county office, and 3) the oppression by the Chiba prefectural assembly of a disunited education system in the county office. The meaning of the word "control" reflects the intention of Chiba prefectural authorities to damage the dignity of the primary school attached to the normal school, as it was a model of "JiyuKyoiku", and to build up a control system with the public schools in Chiba. The latter, especially, was meant to be an "improvement" in problems caused by "Jiyu Kyoiku" at public schools, which were different in fundamental approach from the elementary school attached to the normal schools. The concept of, "Kyoiku no Kyodoka" (the localization of education) was set up as a fundamental aspect of "Shogakkou Kyoiku Kaizen Yoko" (the reform plan for elementary education). Since then, the exhibition of local educational items has held onto the concept and, as a result, gradually materialized through prefectural initiatives. Such cases were one aspect of responses to local education initiatives by the Ministry of Education. In short, the autonomy of the educational administration of Chiba came to fulfill the function, which, as a result, promoted the political infiltration into the process by the Ministry of Education. Thus, the new educational path that developed in the 1920s curtailed its own activities and was gradually absorbed into the educational administration.
In his critical essay on theatre, Lettre a M.d'Alembert, J.-J.Rousseau declared that a republic needed a festival (fete) more than a theatre (the a tre). His argument is fundamentally based on instruction, although this has not been grasped thus far. This paper makes his passage, as competition or recreation in a festival had formed a public instruction (instruction publique), comprehensible, and aims to define the substance of the word 'instruction' in Rousseau's thought. Rousseau's argument in Lettre a M.d'Alembert consists of two contrasts. One is between Rousseau's observation on theatre and the contemporary theorists'. They observed the interaction of transmission between the performance on the stage and the spectators; the performance demonstrated good examples of sentiments, and the audience absorbed them. A desirable representation of a drama on the stage succeeded in reformation of the mores and the sentiments, and could induce people into good conduct. Theorists endorsed an instructional effect in theatre. Rousseau could not agree with their observations. In his observation, the theatrical representation was not the presentation of ideal types of sentiments, but a realistic show of the nature of sentiments; the audience took delight in the reflection of sentiments. Rousseau did not consider that the experience of the audience in a theatre could lead to instruction. The other contrast is between the state of sentiments of spectators in theatres and that of participants in festivals. Rousseau observed the sentiments in theatre consisted in pleasure of projection; the audience found itself immobile and inactive, and members of the audience seriously identified themselves with dramatic personae, and they took great pleasure in fixing their eyes on their resemblances on the stage. Consequently, each audience member became isolated. Rousseau, meanwhile, observed that the sentiments in festivals consisted in pleasure of accordance; the participants appreciated the delicate and profound harmonies that the ensemble created. Rousseau noted that the experience of participants in festivals could evoke instruction. The word 'instruction' in Rousseau's argument can be construed as the following: (1) instruction cannot certainly connote teaching and learning. This means instruction is not caused by a correlation of propagation between two parts, showing and looking, or the objects and the subjects. (2) instruction can be evoked not only from the sense of sight but also from the integration of senses. In such an actual experience, everyone can perceive intuitively the nature which is invisible and unfathomable, and which is in the profundity of spirit. (3) instruction cannot occur indirectly. This means instruction relates not with the experience of privately thinking through the real objects or the simulation, but with that of generatively and naturally acting in a congenial associative context.