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Volume 67 (2000)
- Issue 4 Pages 397-
- Issue 3 Pages 269-
- Issue 2 Pages 181-
- Issue 1 Pages 111-
Volume 67, Issue 2
Displaying 1-4 of 4 articles from this issue
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Takuji Yoshikawa2000 Volume 67 Issue 2 Pages 181-190
Published: June 30, 2000
Released on J-STAGE: December 27, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe aim of this paper is to clarify the circumstances in which the idea was formulated of founding public universities, as those designed to be established by local public bodies such as prefectures, and also to define the real condition contained in the idea, under the prevailing "Imperial University System".The system was introduced by the enactment of the Imperial University Act(Teikoku Daigaku Rei)in 1886, which stipulated that all universities in Japan be national universities having plural faculties.This study is intended for approaching the aim by focusing on the development of the theory of university by Aihiko Sata and examining its historical meaning.Sata was president of the Osaka Prefectural College of Medicine and took a leading part in upgrading it to the first public university, Osaka University of Medicine, in 1919.The study primarily revealed the following:(1) In 1910′s, in order to reform the higher education system, the government set up an educational investigation committee and a special educational conference, preparing for the new university law for chartering national, public and private universities, the law to be enacted in 1918.In the policies discussed then, however, almost no interest was shown in elucidating the idea of founding public universities; besides, there was a limited comprehension that the local public bodies or prefectures, as the principal bodies for establishing public universities, were not independent self-governing bodies but merely a part of the local administrative district of the nation.(2) It was Sata who formulated the idea of founding public universities under the circumstances.(3) The idea was that public universities were supposed to be established by the urban bourgeoisie against the imperial universities and that, assuming "freedom of university" was secured on the basis of the financial independence, these public universities should play the central role in the development of urban culture, through practical studies and social activities such as extension courses.(4) Sata did not have this idea from the beginning.He traveled in Europe and the U.S.A.in 1912-1913 to inspect universities and hospitals, crystallizing his idea on the knowledge and information of the new movement for chartering universities in Frankfurt, Hamburg and Dresden in Germany.These cities have been trying to establish not national but municipal universities, which deeply impressed Sata.(5) The Sata′s idea so formed seems to have influenced the theory of university by Hajime Seki, notable mayor of Osaka City and known as the founder of Osaka Municipal University of Commerce (1928).(6) While Seki attached importance to the autonomy of cities, Sata never thought much of it just like the policy planners during the enactment of the university law.Sata had thought urban prosperity was unconditionally connected to national prosperity. In this sense, Sata′s theory of university was not the complete denial of the imperial university system, while the subject was taken over by Seki.View full abstractDownload PDF (1322K) -
Asami Akiyama2000 Volume 67 Issue 2 Pages 191-200
Published: June 30, 2000
Released on J-STAGE: December 27, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis paper deals with conflict between governesses and their employers, explaining purification of modern families in the nineteenth-century England. The "governess question" emerged from the excess supply of governesses those days, and used to be treated as an issue of their economic hardship.It was also interpreted as a matter containing their delicate status standing over the boundaries both among classes and between gender roles.These problems were mentioned in numerous periodicals particularly in feminism magazines in the mid-nineteenth century.However, in closely reading what is now called typical articles among those appearing in the periodicals, an important factor turns up that is more fundamental in the matter of governesses; that is, uneasiness of the middle-class in doubt if a governess might be trying to acquire its position in the employer′s family.Such an aspect in the matter of governesses should not be lumped together in the problem of border transgression of the class.A threat to cross the family boundary is considered more dangerous than crossing the class border.The reason is that a governess seems to aim at the mother′s position rather than just a position as a member of the family.She disturbs the order itself of a family relation as well as simply violating the boundary.The governess is a "tabooed woman" as referred in the famous paper on governesses(by Elizabeth Rigby)in 1848.The anxiety of the middle class over the position of the governesses was caused by their role taking a mother′s place and by the change in the "family" concept in the midnineteenth century.The word "family" came to exclude servants out of its category and to indicate a group consisting of a nuclear family.The position of a governess became ambiguous as the concept of a "family" changed.To relieve governesses from their economic distress, feminist journals recommended that a contract be made between a governess and the employer, stipulating the wages and working conditions.However, making the contract simply means to place the governess in the context of a modern employment relationship.Conse-quently, the contract was instrumental in shifting governesses from their employer′s family to outsiders.In other words, the "family" excluded the existence residing in the boundary and headed in the direction of further purifying itself.View full abstractDownload PDF (1277K) -
Yuko Kaneda2000 Volume 67 Issue 2 Pages 201-208
Published: June 30, 2000
Released on J-STAGE: December 27, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe purpose of this paper is to examine the characteristics, particularly the method of probing the characteristics, of the participation of teacher and students in classroom discourse.A class is not only a cognitive process but also a social process in which the participants build a relationship mediated by knowledge and words.The key concept is "participation structure" which was introduced by Erickson.The concept can be defined as the rights and obligations of participants concerning who can say what, when and to whom.The studies of participation structure so far have primarily explained that different expectations about communication patterns caused trouble in an interactive phase between the teacher and students.However, in this paper, I would like to search for new possibilities in the study of participation structure on the basis of the following two viewpoints.In the first place, the viewpoint and the method in the studies of participation structure are not limited to the elucidation of static communication patterns intermingling in a classroom.With a change in the context, as Erickson put it, the roles of participants are redistributed to produce a different configuration in a concerted action.Therefore, by paying attention to such points, the studies of participation structure lead us to the examination of the phase where classroom conversation develops through improvisation.A minute change in the participation structure in an individual classroom can be observed through such strategies as taking a turn at talk, timing and forming of the "conversational floor" (Shults, Erickson and Florio, 1982).By looking into the improvisational development in a classroom conversation, a complex process can be analyzed, in which children positively make up a situation and in which teachers use various strategies for organizing communication.In the second place, there is the problem of connecting participation structure to academic content.In the conventional studies of participation structure, the conversational rule was to be structured to simplify the task environment, so that a function was fulfilled enabling concentration on academic content.However, a relationship between a discourse in a classroom and academic content is more complex in actuality.In a "discussion" in a classroom as shown by Cazden, it was a foreseeable matter what is relevant to the topics increased weight in the improvisational conversation.In Lampert′s studies, participation structure is redefined to be the arrangement of rights and duties, in a discussion of determining "what is regarded as knowledge and how it is acquired".Through the formation of such participation structure, the authority for deciding valid knowledge is shifted from the teacher to the discourse community of children.Simultaneously, it reveals a complex part of a teacher′s role to form and maintain the discourse community.View full abstractDownload PDF (1019K) -
2000 Volume 67 Issue 2 Pages 266-268
Published: 2000
Released on J-STAGE: June 02, 2011
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (306K)
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