Nowadays the extreme reaction against the idea of gender equality and sexuality education has broken out in Japan. In this paper I intend to clarify the difference of opinions about these subjects by analyzing typical cases. Then I examined the subjects for solving the conflicting situation by comparing the view of sexuality education since 1992 in Japan with the actual situations of gender equality and sexuality education in Finland as an advanced country in the field. The findings are as follows. Regarding gender equality and equality education, there is still the greatest conflict of views between equality approved gender roles and the resulting equality by aiming actual equal relations without regard to sex. Regarding sexuality education, the educational administration oppress teachers to teach exactly and concretely the route of infection and prevention against HIV/AIDS and other sexual infectious diseases in spite of being expected the big prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Asia. It can be seen that there remains still a deep -rooted view of sexuality as immoral in Japan. For solving this situation, it is important to familiarize many excellent models of sexuality education which was promoted by a few teachers and to cooperate with medical experts in this field. In Finland, many social organizations and facilities support children's sexual independence besides parents or teachers in the district. We also should promote children's sexuality education using existent institutions in each district such as health centers and promote it as adult education for people using community centers and such in Japan.
This paper analyses the compulsory school sex education introduced in 1994 in England. This system was instituted at the point when the public-private dualism was losing its effectiveness. Factors this paper examines are the role of the Family Planning Association, the nature of the Parliamentary Debates, and the Moral Right's criticism against 'permissiveness'. The findings are as follows. This system was established as a part of education reforms conducted by the Thatcher and Major governments in the 1980s and 1990s. As effective and practical sex education was required for the new system, the governments appreciated so called progressive sex education methods and contents, which had been supported by the FPA and had been severely criticized by the conservatives, especially by the Moral Right, fundamentalist Christians, for its 'permissiveness'. In spite of the criticism by the Moral Right, polls and researches showed that most parents wished school sex education. Media was also in favor of it. Since 1960s, the liberalization in society had varied people's life styles including their sexual attitudes and behaviors. This generated not only positive but also negative aspects in society including increasing numbers of single parent families, and unwanted teenage pregnancies. The request for Government's initiative to deal with these problems gradually became visible. The fear of spreading HIV/AIDS backed up this trend. The provision of sex education to all pupils was then thought to be the most effective solution to tackle these problems. As sex education is strongly valued, teaching compulsory sex education at schools is actually governmental intervention into people's values. The fundamental rule that the government should not intervene into people's values was losing its effectiveness facing the urgent problems. The reason why this thesis did not function is because its underpinning public-private dualism was losing its powers as this did not, in fact, represent the nature of modern society. The excellent analysis of Foucault's clarified that sex in modern society was not a mere personal factor located in the private world but a key factor for the comprehensive political function. According to Foucault, sex was at the pivot of the discipline of the body and the regulation of the population that constituted the two poles around which the organization of power over life was deployed. The public sphere therefore could never be indifferent to sexuality and sexuality could never function apart from society. The previous rule then should be understood as a means employed to control members of society in the assumption that individuals would voluntarily keep common values, which, of course, has proved to be an illusion. The compulsory sex education introduced in England is a good example to see the nature of sexuality and states. States will intervene into the private sphere when this does not function properly to supply disciplined members.
Although in general the ratio of women teachers to men has increased with the advance of women in society, the ratio of women PE teachers to men has not increased in the past 20 years. This is caused by sexism in the employment of PE teachers regardless of qualifications. This paper examines the discovery that the gender culture of a PE teacher society in which the disproportion of men to women is maintained in spite of gender equality in the school system itself. Through a survey by interviews of seven men and five women PE teachers who work in H prefecture, it has been found that gender culture creates the disproportionate number of men to women. This is discussed here considering three factors : 1. the influence of gender culture in sports, 2. the double-standard in physical education, 3. a labor atmosphere which is still considered "men's work". The first point discloses, the men and women dichotomy and the absolute view toward gender difference. Moreover, relating to physical education curriculum and teacher behavior, the masculine principles of strength, bravery, winning, and so on have been permitted to dominate interaction and pleasure. Second, the double standard which expects men and women to have different roles is identified. In physical education, teachers work to form masculinity and expect severeness and toughness in boys. On the other hand, so-called "education for women" is deeply rooted and women PE teachers mainly cover dance education for girls. Influenced by this double standard, the gender role, for example the often seen "women manager" in sport activities, is accepted and the gender order has continued. As for the third point, extracurricular activities such as coaching and student guidance, have strongly reflected the identity of PE teachers. The atmosphere of the company office that doesn't dislike long working hours and work on holidays has been adopted by PE teachers. PE teachers who believe that student guidance is their job and thus take an active role as a "strict teacher" to maintain school order. As a result, the gym in PE teacher society becomes like an office which reinforces male dominance and leaves women PE teachers on the sidelines.
The key to understanding public school choices for compulsory education is whether choosers can have enough information to make a good choice. Generally scholars examine the distribution of information, "who gets more information than others", and advocate an enhancement of information provision for choosers as an implication. However, their research questions and implications are not adequate for understanding public school choices because institutional factors have been neglected in their analysis. The aim of this paper is to reframe the problem of information in terms of uncertainty and examine it in view of the institutional setting. Theoretically, the mechanism of the school choice is viewed from multiple points, such as negative-feedback, innovation by competition, peer-group effect, and congestion effect. Although there is some controversy about these mechanisms themselves, we need to proceed to the examination of the institutional context which surrounds the school choice, because it is the structural variable which affects the mechanism of the school choice and the degree of uncertainty for the choice. In the context of Japanese public schools, frequent changes of teachers in a short cycle and criterion of the class organization (gakkyu hensei kijun) are to be considered as institutional factors. Taking these into account, an empirical analysis with a quantitative method is conducted. The data are based on the author's survey which was conducted at public elementary schools of Shinagawa Ward Tokyo in July 2002 for parents having school-age children. The result is the following. (1) The uncertainty of the school choice is negatively correlated to parental consciousness about legitimacy of the school itself such as satisfaction with their own choice, loyalty and confidence. (2) As to the distribution of information, parents having more resources tend to collect more information about schools and those having less tend to collect less. However the effect of resources on their behavior is moderate. (3) Institutional factors affect the degree of the uncertainty. When institutional factors work, the uncertainty of the school choice increase and parents' efforts on collecting information end up in vain. The effect of institutional factors is substantially large. In light of the above discussion, we conclude that institutional factors seriously affect the degree of uncertainty, and that we need to theoretically and practically consider the consistency which emerges from a set of mutual complementary institutions.
"The ministerial ordinance for middle school" was revised to add Chinese language courses for intermediate schools by the No. 2 Ministerial Ordinance dated January 10, 1931. In order to fulfill the requirement of training teachers, Ministry of Education added Chinese language to the subjects of the Government Examination by issuing No. 15 of the Ministerial Ordinance on August 30, 1932. This paper is to study the specialized knowledge and cultural accomplishments required to the teachers for Chinese language for intermediate school by analyzing the system and actual implementation of Chinese language in the Examination of Ministry of Education Specifically following items are reviewed in this paper; (1) the background of the birth of Chinese language in the examination of Ministry of Education, (2) transition of the system of Chinese language in the examination of Ministry of Education and test schedule, (3) examiners, (4) questions for the exam, (5) reference books for the exam, (6) candidates preparing for the exam. It becomes clear that the meaning of language ability required by the examination of Ministry of Education was not only practical knowledge of Chinese language of the level of graduation of school of foreign languages but also the commonsense knowledge of Chinese and Japanese classics as well as the knowledge of the language, mode of life, custom and regime of the Qing era. The Chinese language at the intermediate school was different from the English and German language which were cultural requirements for entering a higher level of school. The Chinese language was introduced as knowledge to be useful for "actual living", "to develop a closer relationship with China", and so the priority of the exam for teachers was "pronunciation of actual conversation" and "communication" capabilities. On the other hand the reference books were broad ranged that included novels in its original language, Chinese magazines, and newspapers. More than half of the candidates were teachers in service and many of them took the examination working at Taiwan and main land China. Some candidates took the exam just to evaluate the level of self-taught Chinese language skill, some had the patriotic spirit to devote themselves to the education of the fighters for the Asian revolution. In this paper I made it clear that in the beginning, the license for teaching Chinese language was thought of as just a sheet of paper, but along with the invasion of China, the license was not just the license for intermediate schools, but it was considered the most powerful qualification for finding employment and as a result, increased the number of examinees and changed the motive for it as well.